1947-01-02, #1: Doctors' Trial (early morning)
Official transcript of the American Military Tribunal in the matter of the United States of America, against Karl Brandt, et all defendants, sitting at Nurnberg, Germany, on 2 January 1946, 0930, Justice Beals, presiding.
THE MARSHAL: The Honorable Judges of Military Tribunal 1.
Military 1 is now in session.
God save the United States of America and this Honorable Tribunal.
There will be order in the courtroom.
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Marshal, ascertain if the defendants are all present.
THE MARSHAL: All the defendants are present in the courtroom.
THE PRESIDENT: The Secretary-General will note for the record the presence of all the defendants in court.
The prosecution may proceed.
MR. McHANEY: At the end of the session before the Christmas recess, prosecution was in the process of introducing evidence concerning the experiments at the Ravensbruck concentration camp. We had completed the introduction and reading of Document NO 873, which was Prosecution Exhibit 226, and the next document will be NO 871, that is on page 55 of the English document book and will be Prosecution Exhibit 227. This is an affidavit of one Zofia Baj, and it reads as follows:
Deposition on oath of BAJ Zofia, female of 24 Avenue de l'Yser, Brussels. Sworn before Major Arthur Keith, MANT, R.A.M.C. of the War Crime Investigation Unit at Brussels on 12 August 1946.
I Zofia Baj, 24 Avenue de l'Yser, Brussels, being duly sworn, depose and say:
I was arrested on 7 February 1941, I came to Ravensbruck on 23 September 1941 and left the camp on 27 April 1945.
Two experimental operations were carried out on me during my imprisonment in camp. The first on 3 November --
The translation left out the year 1942. It so appears in the original.
-- and the second on 23 February 1943.
On the day of my first operation a list of 10 names including mine was read during the morning roll-call. We went to the office and asked Aufscherin Langerfeld what was wanted with us. She said she did not know, but shortly after, we were taken to the Revier (hospital). On our arrival at the Revier we first saw Oberhauser who examined us rapidly in order to verify whether our heart and lungs were sound. After that, we went to the X-Ray department where our chests were radiagraphed and out of the ten of us only two were considered able to stand the operation and live through it, i.e. myself and BACKIEL Maria (known in the camp as Irena). Fina Pautz then locked us in the ward-room with four other girls who had been selected before and were awaiting the operation. The names of these girls are:
She there lists the names, four Polish girls.
Shortly after our arrival at the ward-room, Fina came with small glasses, she said they were containing morphia and that we should drink it. We refused to drink the liquid in the glasses, but Fina went out and came back with SS nurse ERIKA and bath together forced us to drink the morphia. After that, we started feeling dizzy and sleepy and we lay down, then Erika came and gave us a morphia injection. The four girls who were already there had received these injections twice a day since their arrival two days before, and they were feeling very sleepy. After the injection, we were taken to the bathroom where we were washed and Erika shaved our legs. When I came back, I was under the effect of the morphia and lying in my bed, realizing only from time to time what was going on around me. I saw, however, the girls coming back into the room after the operation. When they came to take us to the operation room, Backiel and I screamed, and struggled. Rosenthal put his hand over my mouth and I bit him hard.
Gerda and Fina came and put me by force on a rolling stretcher, I was too dizzy to fight any longer. I was taken through the hall to the operation room, and through the open door, I saw Dr. GEBHARDT, FISCHER, and OBERHAUSER. As I was lying on the stretcher, nurse DORA gave me an injection in the arm and put a mask over my face. I threw away the mask and then Dr. Rosenthal came and put his hand over my mouth.
Nurse Dora told me not to be afraid, for in a few minutes I would see flowers and hear bells, While I was lying on the stretcher, a man from the Political Department, whose name I do not know, came and took our names and numbers given to him by Fian. My operation lasted for 2 hours and 45 minutes. This was noted down by one of my friends who was working in the dental department of the Revier.
I recovered consciousness later on in the evening and I noticed that I could not move because my legs and hips were in a plaster-cast. I was suffering terribly and I screamed with pain, so that Fina came and gave me another glass with morphia. Then I fell asleep.
When I woke up the following morning I was given morphia again. At 11 o'clock SCHIDLAUSKI and OBERHAUSER visited us. Oberhauser touched my plastercast to see whether it was warm and, after that, she moved my toes. This caused a bad pain in the legs. I asked SCHIDLAUSKI why my legs hurt so much. He did not answer. Oberhauser asked him what she could do to relieve my pains. He replied 'Do not operate on them and they will not suffer'. Then he left the room.
Schidlauski came every morning at 11 o'clock for two weeks and he brought us calmative tabloids, when he could not bring them himself, he ordered nurse Erna to do it. He told her, however, not to say anything about it to Oberhauser who was obviously studying our pain sensations. Oberhauser told us herself that she could not give us anything to relieve our pains because it would delay the healing of our legs.
For six weeks my legs were radiographed every two weeks.
After four weeks the plaster-cast was taken off by Oberhauser. The plaster-case was not supposed to be taken off so soon, but they had to do so because there were little black insects in the wool filling of the plastercast. I was not allowed to move after the plaster-cast had been removed.
I did not leave the Revier between the first and the second operation.
After the first radiograph which followed the first operation, Dr. Maczka told me that 5 centimeters of my left peroneus had been removed and about 5 or 6 of the right peroneus.
About 10 centimeters of periosteum of both shinbones had been scraped and five holes had been made as deep as the marrow on the right shinbone and six on the left shinbone, also as deep as the marrow.
During the first six days after this operation I had over 40 degrees fever and afterwards, only a slight fever from time to time. I also had bad heart trouble and they gave me Coramine for it.
The food given to us at the Revier was the ordinary food of the camp. Our friends, however, stole additional food for us whenever it was possible.
Fina was supposed to take care of us, but she merely took our temperature, and another girl helped us wash up and took care of us generally. None of us in that room could move.
SUHREN came to see us at the end of 1942, before Christmas, He asked us to give him all the details and promised us that there would be no more operations in the camp and that he would go to Berlin to stop all this officially. He also gave order that we should get from the SS kitchen, but the Aufscherinnen (female guards) did not carry out this order, I heard him say later on to a German inmate called Olga Schubert (she was the wife of Hitler's adjutant who had been killed by a bomb at the Munich attempt in 1935 or 36), who was sick at the Revier, that he would do everything to have these operations stopped.
My second operation was carried out on 23 February 1943. As I had not got up since my first operation I was too weak to resist. Maczka came into the room with Schidlauski before the operation and asked him what was going to be done. He answered that he did not understand anything about these operations and that he did not approve of them. He then asked Maczka what had been done with me before and she told him what she had seen on the radiographs.
The second time I was operated on by Fischer who had come out in the hall to see if I was the person he wanted to operate on because the week before, February 16, 1943, I had been sent to the operation room by mistake and, after Fischer had seen me, he said I was not one of the persons he was going to operate on that day.
Maczka told me later on that during this second operation my legs where opened up again and that the gaps between the two halves of the peroneus had closed by about 1 centimeter. During the operation another piece was removed from the **ur *nds of the peroneus, but nothing was done to the shinbones. After that my legs were sewn up again, but a curved needle and about 20 centimeters of silk thread were left in the wound of my left leg. This gave me terrible pains later on and was removed by Treite in February 1945. Treite did not want to do it saving that he was not allowed to touch my legs, but then he changed his mind and did it. I had this needle and the thread for awhile, but I lost them when I left Ravensbruck.
The anesthetic was given to me the second time by nurse DORA.
One week after the second operation I was told that I could try to walk. As it was not possible, I was given two walking sticks and only 6 months later could I walk without those walking sticks.
At present, my legs hurt:
1. When I go downstairs 2. I cannot run because my toes slip 3. When I put my feet in hot water they contract and shake.
At the Revier I saw a German woman who had been operated on by Rosenthal and Gerda. She was then about 8 months pregnant. In the operation room they did something to her which killed the child. As she went on bearing the child, the body of the child falling into decomposition had an odor which made it impossible to stay in the room. They then operated on her to try to remove the body of the child piece by piece, but in the meantime she got typhus and was transferred to block 11 where she died.
Rosenthal and Garda often operated on pregnant women.
I also saw Rosenthal come into the room at night with a syringe in his hand and the following morning several persons had died in a room of the Revier called "Stuebohen" where Rosenthal had taken them and given them a deadly injection.
I saw Oberhauser beating up and throwing out women who had come to have their legs looked after which had been badly cut during their work. She did not give them any treatment.
I recognize the pictures of FISCHER, GEBHARDT, OBERHAUSER, ROSENTHAL, SUHREN, BINZ and SKENE among the photographs which have been shown to me. Sworn by the said deponent Zofia Baj voluntarily at Brussels on 12 August 1946. Before me, Major Arthur Keith MANT, RAMC, Investigation Officer detailed by the Commander in Chief, British Army of the Rhine.
The next document is along the same line, and is an affidavit by another one of the victims of these operations at Ravensbrueck, and this is Document No.887, which will be Prosecution's Exhibit No.228.
Deposition on oath of Janina Iwanska, female of 77 Avenue Wagram, sworn before Major ARTHUR KEITH MANT, RAMC, War Crimes Investigation Unit, BAOR, at Paris on—and the date appears at the end of the Document— 24 June 1946.
The witness has been informed that she can speak freely and need not answer the questions asked, as her statement should be voluntary and spontaneous. The witness being duly sworn, deposes and says:
I arrived at the Ravensbrueck camp on 23 September 1941 with 7000 Polish women. I had been arrested because of participation in resistance operations.
On 15/9/42 an experimental operation was carried out on me in the camp.
That morning, after roll-call, we had to go to the showers. Nurse Erika gave us a morphia injection. Dr. Oberhauser was then present at the Revier (hospital). Nurse Gerda gave me Evipan. The operation was carried out by Dr. Gebhardt and Dr. Fischer. As I had been given an anesthetic and as I was unconscious I did not see Dr. Gebhardt in the operation room, but the four camp inmates who was him carry out the operation told me about it.
I also heard him say himself later on that he had operated on me, as well as on 9 other prisoners, of whom I shall speak later. I lost consciousness before being taken to the operation room. When I asked Dr. Oberhauser why I was going to be operated on she replied that, since I belonged to the Polish resistance, it gave the Germans a right to carry out experiments on me.
The first dressing of my wound took place two weeks after the operation Dr. Gebhardt did it. At that time I had about 41 degree centigrade fever. My leg was in a plaster cast from hip to ankle and I could not move. Nurse Erika took care of me and of those who had been operated on at the same time.
By order of Oberhauser, we were given neither medicine nor morphia. At the first dressing of my wound Dr. Gebhardt, Fischer, Oberhauser and Rosenthal were present. The plaster-cast was removed after an incision and I could see a deep hole in the bone, about 20 centimeters long. The wound was very dirty and filled with pus. The whole leg was very red. I could not bend the knee. In the wound I could see a small piece of metal which seemed to be wrapped in cloth. Dr. Gebhardt took it out and put it in a basin. He cleaned out the wound and put Rivanel, white powder and vaseline on it. My leg was then put back in the plaster-cast up to the knee with an opening around the wound, so that the pus could flow out. After this dressing I had less fever for some time, but a week later the fever went up again. My knee was very much swollen and there were long red lines along my thigh, there was a heavy discharge of pus from the wound all the time.
When I asked Dr. Oberhauser to dress my leg, she refused. But after a few days the wound looked so bad that she consented to dress it. She closed the door of the Revier, removed the plaster-cast and cleaned out the wound, putting only vaseline on it, then she put back the old plaster-cast. During all this time and despite my pains, I was given neither morphia nor any other medicine to relieve them.
After another examination all the girls who had been operated on at the same time as I were placed on beds in a room and covered up with sheets leaving only the legs free.
Then about 10 or 12 physicians came to examine our legs one after the other. I could not understand much of what they were saying because they were using medical expressions, but I heard Gebhardt say to the other physicians that he had operated on me himself. Among the physicians present were Dr. Gebhardt, Fischer, Rosenthal, Oberhauser and Schidlauski. All the physicians examined our legs and Oberhauser gave some kind of a lecture about mine. After that, my leg was dressed again.
Shortly after Schidlauski told me that he would have to cut off my leg. I protested and refused. We then stretched my leg which had been bent so far and placed a handbag over my knee. The plaster-case was removed and the wound dressed. Two days later Oberhauser dressed the wound which was still suppurating and the fever disappeared gradually.
I stayed at the Revier for two months and was then sent back to my block. My leg was still suppurating, the wound had not healed yet.
In summer 194* my leg started to swell again and I again had a high fever.
I asked Treite to operate on me. He refused saying that he did not want to carry out any dirty operations and that Dr. Gebhardt could do it if he likes to. Dr. Treite however gave permission to a German female doctor, who was a prisoner, to operate on my leg. She cut it open along the old scar and found out that another wound had appeared underneath. The wounds were stuffed with cotton impregnated with vaseline. I stayed at the Revier for four weeks and Kurt dressed the wounds every second day. Afterwards I was sent back to my block. After two weeks the two new wounds had healed, and only the first wound was still open.
After I had spent a week in the block the fever came back and I was sent to the X-ray department to have my chest examined. There was nothing wrong with my lungs. A polish female doctor, Zofis Macza, gave me Prentosdl injections which did not help any. I had intermittent fever and was given pyramiden injections (usually pyramiden is given through the mouth). The pyramiden had been sent by my father who had learned that an experimental operation had been carry out on me and who sent it concealed in packages. This treatment reduced the fe "In October 1943 I again had a very high fever and by leg again showed signs of infection.
Treite ordered an infrared light treatment. For this treatment, I had to go to the Revier twice a day, in the morning and in the evening. After two months, I was sent back to my block.
I stayed there until 4 January 1945, the day chosen for our execution. We knew that we were to be executed that day, because all these who had been operated on had been given order not to leave the block and to remain at the disposal of the camp commander. Dr. Gebhardt had given to the Political Section a list with our names, stating that we were to be placed in the gas chamber. One of us succeeded in speaking to Suhren who told here that he had nothing to do with that, but that Gebhardt had taken all the decisions. We then hid in other blocks and took other numbers. Three French women and two Norwegian women accepted voluntarily to replace us in the lot which was to go to the gas chamber, so that we would be left as a proof of what the Germans had done to us. I then succeeded in having myself sent to an ammunition factory in Neustad-Glober from which I escaped on 28 March 1945 and went to Hamburg, where I said I was a Ukrainian and I worked on a farm.
My arm had been injured during my flight. The wound had not been dressed for two weeks until it got infected and my leg also showed signs of infection again. I was then attended by a German female physician whom I told that I had been wounded in Stettin.
On 1 May 1945 the British troops arrived at last.
Dr. Gebhardt was assisted in his work by a Polish prisoner. Her name was Holina Chelmicka. She used to prepare the operation room for the operations, she did not live in the camp but in Hohenlychen and she was a close friend of Oberhauser. Holina refused to examine the pus in my leg because she said it was too dangerous.
Dr. Rosenthal was very cruel when he dressed wounds. Dr. Schidlauski was also very cruel, he used to kick the patients.
Joanna Sayotowska, 7 Sacwaka, Lublin, Poland, gave pictures of our legs and a report to a British officer.
Jola Krysanowska, Eugenia Nieba, Isabella Stecinska, Jadurga Pawlowska are the friends who stole large quantities of medicine for us.
I recognize the photograph of the man No.3 on the photographs 123-A and 123-B, it is Gebhardt. Photograph No. 1 is Treite, No. 3 is Pflaum. No. 9 is Rosenthal and No. 10 is Skene.
The group of 9 prisoners to which I belonged had been given special numbers after the operation. The first three had number T1, T2 and T3. The following had Tk1, Tk2 and Tk3, and the last had TKM1, TKM2 and TKM3. I had TKM3.
/s/ Kwanska Janina
In this affidavit, the court will recall that the first date mentioned in January 1945, was the day chosen for their executions; and you will also recall that the four Polish witnesses who testified here before the Christmas recess also testified concerning this day when an attempt was made to round up all of the so-called guinea pigs in the camp; and, how they managed to escape through the confusion and greatly overcrowded condition, and were therefore able to live through it, and frustrate the attempts of the Germans to do away with them.
I come now to Document No. NO-864 which will be Prosecution Exhibit 229. This is an affidavit of Helena Piasecka. This is the second deposition on oath of Helena Piasecka, female, of 77 Ave Wagram, Paris, amplifying her previous deposition.
Sworn before me, Major Arthur Keith Mant, RAMC, at Chase Bank, 41 Rue Cambon, Paris on June 28, 1946.
I have read the deposition of my friend Janina Iwanska, and can confirm what she says, although I was not with her all the time.
On Sunday 14 August 1943, a list was brought into my block by Skene. My name was on the list and we were told to go to the Revier to be examined by a doctor. There were ten names on the list.
She then gives the names of these persons among whom is Karolewska who was No. 4 and she was one of the Polish witnesses who testified here.
The affidavit continues:
We had an idea that it might be for an operation so we decided not to go. Eventually we had to go and we saw an SS doctor called Klinek and a Polish girl who worked in the Revier called Siwenska Isabella, who told us that rooms were prepared there for an operation. Klinek told us that we were going to work in a factory, and we told him we did not believe him, and returned to our block. Binz then came and gave us her word that we were not required for operations, and asked us to go with her to her office that she might read us a notice stating we were going to work in a factory. Then we heard from fellow prisoners that a group of SS had been ordered to surround our block and take us by force. We escaped from Binz's office and hid. Binz followed us and ordered us to come out, and when we did not obey she ordered some SS to take us by force. She then told us that as we had escaped from her office we were to be sent to the Bunker as a punishment.
Binz told the SS woman who was in charge of the Bunker that we were to be put in cells, 5 by 5. The cells were dark. We decided that if we were to be operated on we would fight and resist as much as we could. We were given coffee and bread that evening and the next morning, and decided that if we were given no food at lunch time it would mean that we were to be operated on.
We had no lunch. At about 1400 hours, SS Guards came in and took away my sister. I was very anxious about her and asked to be taken next so that I could find out what had happened to her. In the passage I saw trolleys of dressings and medical equipment and doctors in white coats. I then saw Dr. Trommer who asked me if I was willing to be operated on. I said I was not. The nurse Gerda then came speaking nicely to me and said she would give me an injection. I resisted and hit Trommer in the face and called him a bandit. He called some SS male guards who threw me on the floor and held me down while other was poured over my face. There was no mask. I fought and resisted until I lose consciousness. I was completely dressed and my legs were filthy dirty from walking in the camp. As far as I know my legs were not washed. I saw my sister during this time unconscious on a stretcher, vomiting mucous.
When I recovered consciousness I found I had a metal splint on my leg from ankle to thigh. My leg was covered with dressings which were covered with blood. I was in great pain and was given no Morphine or medicine. The next day I was given an injection of Morphine by the nurse Marschall. I had no fever. After 3 days a Dr. Villmann came to see me. I was told by the nurse Walla that he had operated on my leg. He said that he was going to put me to sleep again. The dressings were taken off my leg, and it was perfectly clean. I was given Evipan and 3 hours after I recovered consciousness; I had a fever of 41 to 42 degrees. The SS in charge of the Bunker rang through to the Revier to ask what to do for my fever and they were told it was quite normal as my leg had been infected. I was in very great pain and given nothing to alleviate it. My temperature was taken every morning and when the dressings were taken off I saw that the wound on my leg was very dirty and running with pus. Dr. Villmann did my dressings. He was thin with medium colored brown hair, round eyes, regular nose, no glasses, about 1.74 mm tall and about 34 to 35 years old. He was in SS uniform. I believe he was an assistant doctor at Hohenlynchen, and was given his doctor's diploma after having operated on us. I was told this by the nurse Gerda.
After six days in the Bunker we were moved to the Revier. We were all in a filthy condition as our clothes and bed clothes were not changed. Four women contracted scabies, but I did not.
Ten days later Villmann came with two doctors whose names I do not know to operate on me again. I was taken into the operating theater conscious, and saw that it was in a filthy condition. Pools of blood everywhere - they had just finished operating on one of my friends. I was given Evipan and was about one hour under the anaesthetic. When I came around I found my leg was completely encased in plaster except for a hole over the wound. I asked why my leg was in plaster and I was told that the Tibia bone in my leg was broken. Three days later the nurse Walla came and changed my dressings, and my leg started to hemorrhage. A comrade asked for an injection to stop the hemorrhage and Dr. Treite told Walla to give me one. I was also given some medicine to drink which I believe was the same stuff as the injection mixed with sterilized water. I was given no Morphine, although I was in great pain all the time. A comrade gave me some pills welch helped me, but only for a short time.
The next few days the bleeding had stopped but the plaster was filled with blood and had to be changed. Treite came to change the plaster and took me to the dressing theater where a Russian woman doctor changed it. My leg was not straight in the plaster and the plaster did not fit. I had fever for six weeks.
Two weeks after my last operation two other doctor assistants of Gebhardt's came and operated on my right leg. The leg was put in a splint and the dressing changed twice a week. It suppurated badly and smelt very bad. I stayed in bed until Christmas when Treite came and told me to get up. I fell and broke my leg again. Several days later my leg was X-rayed by Treite's orders. I did not see the photos. Treite took the photos to the SS Revier and I was told that Trommer had said that it was terrible to do an operation like that, and that he did not understand how anyone could walk with so little bone left to the leg. There was only 3 millimeters of breadth of bone left in the Tibia. A Polish girl, Sicinska Isabella, heard him say this. I started having fever again and small pieces of bone started coming out of the wound which was always open and suppurating.
Every month my leg was X-rayed by Treite.
I stayed in the Revier and in block 9 for 1 year. I then began to walk very slightly. I used two canes but it was very difficult.
In February 1945 more bone started coming out of my leg - also more pus, and I started a fever again. I stayed in bed in block 9 and was given phosphates 20 pills and 3 injections of Calcium by a Polish nurse. Treite gave the orders that I should receive this treatment.
Among all the Polish girls who had been selected to be operated on there were four who had no operations, but only received injections. Their legs were infected and they were then treated with a serum which was a German invention called Tibantina. This drug was dark brown in color and very like Prontosil.
In summer of 1944 all block 32 was ordered to go to the showers. There the German woman doctor Kurt did a gynecological examination of them all. This was probably to be a search for gold and jewels. Many of the younger girls suffered hemorrhages as a result of this.
If the Tribunal please, in assembling this document book they left off the last page of this Document No. NO-864 and I will have sufficient copies passed up.
The last page continues:
In the beginning of 1942 there was an old German woman of about 80 years, wearing the green triangle on her arm, in the passage of the Revier. She asked Dr. Oberhauser for some pills as she was ill and could scarcely move. Oberheuser asked her why she was in the camp. As she did not reply Oberhauser kicked her. The woman fell to the ground crying. Oberheuser laughed and told her to get up and go away, and gave her no medicine. I was in the passage also, and witnessed this.
In November-December 1941 in Revier 1, I saw Dr. Sonntag kicking and hitting sick people who had gone to the Revier to get medicine. I also saw Dr. Schydlauski do the same thing. The sick people were thrown out of the Revier having received no medicine. All these who had less than 41 de grees of fever were not accepted in the Revier.
I recognize the same photos as Janina Iwanska except that of Skene.
/s/ Helena Masecka
The next document is an affidavit of Dr. Zdenka Nedvedova-Nejedla, which is Document No. NO-875 and will be Prosecution Exhibit 230. This is a deposition on oath of Dr. Zdenka Nedvedova-Nejedla, female of Prague XVI, Smetanova 1, sworn before Lieutenant Victor Gluck, P.C. of War Crimes Investigation Unit at Prague, 6 September 1946:
1. I, Dr. Zdenka Nedvedova-Nejedla, came to Ravensbrueck Concentration Camp in a transport draft from Osviecin...
Osviecin, your Honors, is the Auschwitz Concentration Camp.
... on 19 August 1943, and I worked in the revier as a Doctor Prisoner from September 1943 until 30 May 1945. In the beginning I worked in the Department for Contagious Diseases at Station No. 1 and the Ambulatory. Besides this I was in charge of Sucking Block from the fall of 1944 until May 1945.
2. Of the victims of experimental operations I nursed personally Helena Piasecka, who was suffering from chronic osteomyelitis after completed operation of both shin bones. It was known to me that these operations were performed under Professor Gebhardt's supervision by Doctor Fischer and a woman Doctor Oberheuser from the SS-Lazarett Hohenlychen, but I do not know which one of then had operated on Piasecka. The operation was performed in the "bunker", camp prison, where there was not even the most primitive sanitary and even less asceptic installations. Her general condition was good, but the defect in both bones rendered her invalid for life. Before the operation Piasecka was completely healthy.
3. All experimentally operated women were placed in one block and they were generally known as "rabbits", so that I saw the effects resulting after operations performed, in those women who had survived those operations. In each case of abbreviation of limbs muscular atrophy of the highest degree, proving a grave injury of nerves during operations and deep indrawn scars after those parts of muscles that had festered away.
4. From lay reports of nursing personnel, without any special schooling, I tried to construct the sorts of experimental operations:
a. culture of virulent germs - streptococci, staphylococci, maybe even tetanus and gas phlegmon - were injected subcutaneously, intra-muscularly and even direct into bones. These were the attempts to produce experimentally Osteomyelitis. During the resulting sepsis the course of which was followed by everyday examination of blood picture and urine the effectiveness of new medicaments of the sufamidise group was being tested.
b) parts of long bones, as much as 5 centimeters (fibulae et tibiae) were being removed and in some cases replaced by metal or left without connection. These operations should probably have proved the inability of bone to grow without periost.
c) High amputations were being performed for example even whole arm muscles (translators explanation: i.e. arm with scapula and clavicula) or leg with *sili*** were separated. These operations were performed mostly on insane person who were immediately killed after the operation by quickly injected *******. As preparates gained by operations were immediately carefully wrapped up in a **** gauze and immediately transported to the SS-Lazaratt nearby, at Hohennlychen, it can be judged that they were to be used in the attempt to replace damaged body parts of wounded German soldiers.
5. Operations were performed on one 1 Yugoslav, 1 Czech, 2 Ukranians, 2 German, and about 18 Polish women, of when six were operated whilst force was used in the bunker with the help of SS men, 2 of them were shot after their operation wounds and healed. After operations no one except SS nurses were admitted to the operated persons, whole nights they laid without any assistance, and it was not permitted after even the most intensive post-operational pains to administer sedative. Of the operated persons 11 died or were killed and 71 remained invalid for life.
6. Report mentioned in paragraphs 3 to 5 was prepared on the basis of evidence given to me at Ravensbrueck in the autumn of 1943 by these fellow prisoners:
MR. McHANEY: And she there lists six names of Polish women. I will omit the reading of paragraph 7, which is not pertinent to this case. Paragraph 8:
8. I have seen gipsy women prisoners enter and leave the x-ray cabinet were they were sterilized by a method which according to my information had been tested in Osviecim. This method was based on injecting of an irritation solution in the uterus, most probably argentum nitricum together with contrasting solution to make possible an x-ray check of the performed operation. All sterilized women were immediately x-rayed after this operation. I examined these pictures with MUDr. Nlada-Taufrova, and am, therefore, qualified to give evidence that the majority of cases above mentioned said filling penetrated into the ends of tubes (ovidact), in several cases even as far as into abdominal cavity.
This sterilization was performed even on gipsy girls about 10 years of age. Only about the last ten were given a Kelen narcosis on the intervention of SS-nurse Gerda. I nursed these children all night after the operation. All these girls were bleeding from the genital and were suffering such pains, that I had to give them sedative secretly. In the morning before the appell I transported with the help of girls working in the Revier these children to their respective blocks.
MR. McHANEY: I also omit the reading of paragraphs 9, 10 and 11. The affidavit is signed "Z. Nadvendova-Nehedla."
I would like to ask the Court to recall some of the evidence which we presented on sterilization experiments, and you will remember one of the methods which was called to your attention was called at the time the Klauberg method of sterilization, and I submit that the method being described in paragraph 8 of this affidavit is the so-called Klauberg method, and the affiant had received information that this method was tested in Osviecim, and the Tribunal will recall we submitted reports and letters from Klauberg which showed very conclusively he was working in Osviecim.
The Tribunal will also recall that one of the letters or memorandum, as I recall signed by the defendant, Rudolph Brandt, stated it had been decreed by the Reichs Fuehrer that Klauberg should test his method at Ravensbrueck, to see how long it would take him to sterilize one thousand Jewesses, and I submit again that this paragraph 8 of this affidavit very clearly shows that Klauberg or one of his associates, did in fact carry out sterilization experiments in Ravensbrueck.
We come now to Document No.865, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 231, affidavit of Gustawa Winkowska, the second deposition on oath of Gustawa Winkowska, female, of Stockholm, Sweden, sworn before Maj. Arthur Keith, RAMC, at Stockholm on 18 Sept. 1946.
I shall eliminate the reading of the first two paragraphs, the second is just two sentences, and will continue with the third paragraph:
I have seen Rosenthal struggle with a healthy young Ukrainian woman whom they were trying to take to the operating theatre by force. The girl was struggling and crying for help. Rosenthal with the help of Gerda Quernheim gave her an anesthetic, she was then taken into the operating theatre where one of her healthy legs was amputated, I believe, by Dr. Fischer, as I saw him go into the theatre before the struggle I have just described. Immediately after the operation Dr. Fischer and another doctor whom I did not recognize left the theatre with a large parcel and went straight into a waiting car and returned to Hohenlychen. I knew he came from Hohenlychen as the Revier was always warned before anyone came from Hohenlychen. I believe the parcel contained the amputated leg. This occurred during the time that experiments operations were being done on Polish girls.
The woman who had this operation performed on her was locked in the Stuebchen by the SS sister, a thing which never happened before, and later on was given a lethal injection. The Sisters then put the corpse into a coffin, something also which had not happened before, and the Sisters took care that we did not open the coffin as we carried it to the car.
Maria Kaczmarcysk, an internee nurse who had a key to the Stuebchen went into the Stuebchen and saw that the corpse had a leg amputated above the knee.
Under similar circumstances another Ukranian girl had her arm and shoulder girdle removed. She was also killed by injections.
Experimental operations were carried out in the camp between 1942 and 1943 on Polish women. These operations were carried out by Dr. Fischer except for the first day, they were performed, on that day Dr. Gebhardt did the operations. I saw Dr. Gebhardt himself go into the theatre. Oberhauser told us we must all leave the Revier that day as Prof. Gebhardt was coming to operate. Two days before Prof. Gebhardt came we all had to make swabs from gauze for the operations, normally only paper swabs were used in the Revier.
Oberhauser used to select the "Guinea Pigs" from members of the Lublin Transport of Poles, she used to have them paraded in front of the Revier and examine their legs. The anaesthetics for the operations were given by the SS Sister.
Sterilizing by abdominal operations on German women was carried out by Dr. Treite, these women were antisocials, dumbheads or insane. They were told that they would be released after the operation. I have heard Dr. Treiste tell the women before the operation, I know, however, of no cases where a woman was released after sterilization.
A doctor came from Auschwitz for a few days, possibly a week, and worked all day every day he was in the camp sterilizing gipsy children by Poent*** *ays without anesthetics. The children used to come out crying after being sterilized, asking their mothers what had been done to them. Treite sterilized a young gipsy child by abdominal operation on orders from Berlin. I saw her after the operation, she was about thirteen years old. Treite told me that gipsy children had to be sterilized when they were young as they could have children when they were fourteen years old.
/s/ Gustawa Winowska
MR. McHANEY: We come now to two affidavits signed by Dr. Zofia Maczka, and the Tribunal will recall that in several of the affidavits which have already been submitted Zofia Maczka's name was mentioned as being one of the prisoner assistants in the hospital. The first is Document No.861, which will be Prosecution Document No.232.
I hereby swear and confirm by my signature that I am stating only the truth to the best of my knowledge. (Signed) Dr. MACZKA Zofia. Seal of British Consul at Stockholm. Sworn at the British Consulate Stockholm this 16th day of April 1946, before me H. W. Reid Brown, H. M. Consul. Seal of British Consular Section, Stockholm.
Information about the experimental operations which took place in Ravensbruck Concentration Camp.
The operations were carried out in the period between the summer of 1942 and the summer of 1943. The operations were conducted in the camp hospital, which was called Revier, under the direction of Prof. Dr. Gebhardt, SS Brigadefuehrer. Prof. Gebhardt was the Head of the Hohenlychen Sanatorium at Hohenlychen (Mecklenburg). The operations were conducted with the help of Dr. Fischer, who was Prof. Gebhardt's assistant. There was also another assistant whose name I do not know. The following camp doctors participated in this matter: Dr. Herta Oberhauser, Dr. Rolf Rosenthal, Dr. Schiedlauski, all German sisters who were employed there at the time and also two German protective prisoners, Gerda Quernheim and Fian Pautz gave assistance. Polish political protective prisoners from the transports from Warsaw and Lublin, Numbering 74, were chosen as victims. All those who were chosen were young, healthy and well built. Many were college or university female students. The youngest was 16 years of age, the oldest 48 years of age. The operations were to be carried out for scientific purposes, but they had nothing to do with science. They were carried out under horrible conditions. The doctors and the assisting personnel were medically not trained properly. Conditions were neither aseptic nor hygienic. After operations the patients were left in shocking rooms without medical help, without nursing or supervision. The dressings were made according to the whom of the doctors with unsterilized instruments and compresses. Dr. Rosenthal who did most of the dressings, excelled himself in sadism. In the summer of 1943 the last operations were carried out in the 'bunker' is the name of the horrible prison in the camp.
The victim's were taken there because they resisted and there in the cell their dirty leas were operated on. This was the 'scientific atmosphere' in which the 'scientific' operations were carried out.
All operations were carried out on the lees and all under anesthetic. The operations were divided into two main groups:
1. operations for infecting the patient. 2. Experimental aseptic operation "As to 1: The soft part of the calf of the legs was opened and the open wounds were infected with bacteria which were introduced into the wounds.
The following were used: staphylococcus auerus, oedema malignum, gas gangrene bacillus and tetanus. Weronika Kraska was infected with tetanus. She died after a few days. Kazimiera Kurowska was infected with gas gangrene bacillus; she died after a few weeks. The following were infected with oedema malignum: Aniela Lefanowicz, Zofia Kiecol, Alfreda Prus and Maria Kusmierczuk.
The Tribunal will recall that Maria Kusmierczuk testified here.
The first three died after a few days; Maria Kusmierczuk got over the infection. She was lying ill for more than a year and became a cripple, but she lives and is a living evidence of the experiments. Mostly pyogene stimulants were employed. The wounds were stitched after the infection and serious illness began. Many of the patients were ill for months and almost all of them became cripples.
Why did Prof. Gebhardt, with his education, carry out these experiments? To test the new drugs of the German pharmaceutical industry; mostly cibazol and albucid were used. Even tetanus was treated in that way.
The results of the treatment were not checked, or if they were, it was done in such an inadequate and superficial manner, that it was of no value.
As to 2: The aseptic, experimental operations consisted of: done experiments, muscle experiments, nerve experiments.
The bone experiments were checked by X-Ray photographs. As ward attendant I had to do all the X-Ray photographs. In this way I was given the opportunity of gaining an insight in this matter. The following were carried out: (a) bone breaking, (b) bone transplantation, (c) bone grafting.
As to (a): On the operation table the bones of the lower part of both legs were broken into several pieces with a hammer, later they were joined with clips (for instance Janiga Marczewska) or without clips (for instance Leonarda Bien) and were put into a plaster cast. This was removed after several days and the legs remained without plaster casts until they healed.
As to (b): The transplantations were carried out in the usual way, except that whole pieces of the fibula were cut out, once with periostium, another time without periostium. The most typical operation of this kind was carried out on Krystina Dabska.
As to (c): Bone grafting. These operations were with the school of Prof. Gebhardt, During the preparatory operation two bone splints were put on the tibia of both legs; during the second operation such bone splints were cut out together with the attached bones an were taken to Hohenlychen. As a supplement to the bone splint operations such operations were carried out also on two protective prisoners who suffered from deformation of bones of the osteomyelitis type. These two were not Poles, one of them was a German from the Jehovah's witnesses group, Maria Konwitschka and the other was an Ukrainian, Maria Hretschana. It was interesting for Prof. Gebhardt to see how the diseased bones would react to such an operation.
The muscle experiments consisted of many operations, always on the same spot, the upper or lower part of the leg. On each further operation larger and larger pieces of muscles were cut out. Once a small piece of bone was planted into a muscle (this happened to Babinska). During nerve operations parts of nerves were removed (for instance Barbara Pytlewska).
What problem did Prof. Gebhardt and his school wish to solve by these experiments.
The problem of the regeneration of bones, muscles and nerves.
Was the thing carried out? No. It was not checked at all, or only insufficiently. I do not know what was done at Hohenlychen with those pieces of bone, muscle and nerves which were cut out and taken there.
What was the fate of the patients after they left the hospital? Almost all of the patients became cripples, and have suffered very much as a result of those operations. Even more severe was the moral torture inflicted on them as they lived under the conviction that they would all be shot in order that they should not be evidence of these murderous operations. The camp authorities - Commandant Suhren, Adjutant Braeuning and Oberaufseherin Binz - ensured through their orders that the victims should not forget that they were condemned to death. In the meantime six of the patients were shot after surviving the operations.
She then gives an extended list of those who underwent the operations, as far as she could remember them, together with remarks explaining what the operation was, and I do not think that it is necessary for me to read all of those names and comments; however, the Tribunal will note that the four Polish women who testified here are listed; Maria Broel-Plater, Jadwiga Dzido, Maria Kusmierczuk, and on the last page Wladyslawa Karolewska. The affidavit continues on page eighteen of the English document Book.
If I am to give an opinion on these operations, I must say that the operations were carried out because it was in the program of National-Socialist Germany to make experiments on protective prisoners in concentration camps, and that these experiments were carried out on the level on which medical science and morals were prevailing in Germany since 1933.
As a supplement to these operations I am submitting a description of 'special operations' which were carried out at the same time.
A few abnormal protective prisoners (psychically ill) were chosen and brought to the operating table and amputations of the whole leg (at the hip joint) were carried out, or on others, amputation of the whole arm (with the shoulder-blade) were carried out. Afterwards the victims (if they still lived) were killed by means of evipan injections and the leg or arm was taken to Hohenlychen and served the purposes known to Professor Gebhardt. Ten such operations, approximately, were carried out.
During the whole time these operations were carried out I was employed as a worker in the ward and investigated this matter risking my own life, with the idea that it was my duty, if I were saved, to tell the truth to the world. I conclude my statement with two questions: What kind of recompense can the world offer to those who were operated on in such a manner? What kind of justice has the world for those who carried out such operations?
/s/ Dr. Zofia Maczka, Stockholm, April 16, 1946.
On the following page, a part of the same document and exhibit, are given certain particulars of the affiant ZOFIA WIESLAWA MACZKA, and it is particularly of interest for us to know, that she is a Doctor of Medicine and an X-ray specialist.
We have a second affidavit from the same woman. This is Document No.874, and will be prosecution exhibit 233:
Second Deposition on oath of Dr. Zofia Maczka, female, of 12 Drottning* homsvaegen, STOCKHOLM/Sweden, amplifying her previous deposition sworn before Major Arthur Keith MANT, R. A. M. C., at STOCKHOLM on July 2nd, 1946.
The X-ray apparatus in the Revier was sufficient for general purposes, being the usual military pattern.
To the best of my knowledge, Dr. GEBHARDT himself did not personally perform the experimental operations. He was, however, responsible for the organization and installation of extra requirements. I have heard him give orders concerning the operations to Doctors FISCHER, OBERHAUSER and ROSENTHAL I heard this by listening through key-holes and generally spying during the time I was at the Revier. As I was ordered to do the X-rays by OBERHAUSER, and about X-ray photographs that were required by her, I asked questions about what had been done and she refused to tell me anything, but said that I was to carry out Dr. GEBHARDT'S orders.
The Germans would tolerate no new born children in the camp, anyway from the time that I arrived to the 31st Dec 1942, and to that date they were a 11 killed at birth. I personally saw Gerda QUERNHEIM strangle one newly born child and generally presume that she has been responsible for the other deaths.
Fina PAUTZ was assistant to QUERNHEIM. She was a German inmate of the camp and was presumed to be in the camp for Communist activities. When QUERNHEIM strangled the child I have mentioned above, she handed it through the window to Fina PAUTZ who threw it into a bucket.
QUERNHEIM was in charge of the general cleanliness of the operation theatre, but it is extremely unlikely that she ever witnessed any operation Instruments were never sterilized properly for the operations in the Revier.
Gerda QUERNHEIM was in charge and could not be bothered to take the usual aseptic precautions.
The bacteriological cultures were brought from HOHENLYCHEN by Dr. FISCHER.
I saw the drugs Cibazol and Alkuzid being prescribed to the patients after they had been operated on.
I do not know who was specifically responsible for the execution, of the 6 girls. But Aniola SOBOLEWSKA had her execution postponed several months so that the necessary control X-rays could be taken of her leg. And Rozalia GUTEK was not executed for a considerable period because she was not well enough to be moved.
From the beginning of 1945, a doctor used to come down from BERLIN and perform sterilization operations on young GIPSY-girls. The apparatus he used was a high tension apparatus, but not X-ray. One electrode was placed over the abdominal wall in the region of the ovaries and the other was placed inside the vagina. I learned these details direct from the girls on whom this was done. The only description I can give of the man is that he 1,75 m in height. He was very fat, strongly built and red-faced.
Two Czech medical students who were forced to work in the laboratory, used to carry out the bacteriological examination on the pus from the experimental women, either officially or surreptitiously. Their names are Mila SKRBKOWA and Inka KATNEROWA. They are at present at PRAGUE.
I can only remember the name of one girl who worked in the dispensary who was a Polish girl Jadwiga TAWLOWSKA who is not a medical student at POZNAN.
/s/ Dr. Zofi MACZKA
MR. McHANEY: This document is sworn to before Major Arthur Keith MANT, R. A. M. C., at STOCKHOLM, on July 2nd, 1946.
The next document in the English Document Book is a translation of a document which was introduced in Case No. 1 before the I, M, T. and is USSR EXHIBIT No.406, and it consists, primarily, of photographs of the four Polish women who testified in this case.
And, since we have already introduce photographs made here in Nurnberg, I think it is unnecessary to introduce these additional photographs. However, the Court, under Ordinance No. 7, is at liberty to take judicial notice of this document, if they so choose.
I come, then, to Document No.472, which appears on page 96 of the English Document Book, and this will be Prosecution Exhibit No.234.
This is an affidavit by the defendant FRITZ ERNST FISCHER, and it deals as we shall see, with a report made to a meeting of the medical academy in BERLIN in May of 1943. The report of the meeting was mentioned in one of the earlier affidavits of FRITZ ERNST FISCHER, which we have already introduced in evidence. This affidavit serves to amplify, and gives additional details on that meeting. It reads as follows:
I, FRITZ ERNEST FISCHER, being duly sworn, depose and state:
1. I am the same Fritz Ernest Fischer who has heretofore sworn to an Affidavit on the 19th day of November 1945, concerning sulfanilamide and other experiments on human beings in the Ravensbruck Concentration Camp.
2. For the same reasons set forth on page 1 of my Affidavit of 19 November 1945 I am able to make this statement concerning sulfanilamide experiments and especially the conference of May 1943 set forth on page 12 on my Affidavit of 19 November 1945.
3. At the conference of May 1943, which I described on page 12 of my Affidavit (last paragraph) to the best of my recollection, the following officials were present: Dr. Paul Rostock as Chairman of the conference; Dr. Siegfried Handloser, who was then the Chief of the Medical Service of the German Armed Forces, who had sent the invitation for the meeting; Prof. Karl Brandt, who sat in the center of the front row; Dr. Leonardo D. Conti, the Reich Health Leader; Prof. Dr. Sauerbruch; Dr. Frei; and Prof. Heubener. The Medical Service of the Luftwaffe was represented by Dr. Hippke, who was the Chief of the Medical Service of the Luftwaffe; and by Dr. Oskar Schroeder. The Medical Service of the Waffen SS was represented by its Chief, Dr. Karl Genzken. Furthermore, there was Dr. Helmut Poppendick, who was the Chief of Staff of the Reich Physician SS and Police, Dr. Grawitz.
4. As I stated in my former Affidavit, no criticisms were uttered about experiments by any of these Doctors. There was a discussion following the lecture, in which Dr. Frei, Prof. Dr. Sauerbruch, and Professor Heubener participated but also on their part there was no criticism voiced.
5. It was made perfectly clear during the speeches made by Dr. Gebhardt and myself that the experiments were conducted on inmates of a concentration camp.
6. Six months after this, the 10th Anniversary of the Hospital at Hohenlychen, was celebrated. As guests of this celebration, Dr. Karl Brandt, Dr. Siegfried Handloser, Dr. Leonardo D. Conti and Prof. Dr. Sauerbruch were present.
7. When the sulfanilamide experiments started I was told by Professor Gebhardt, my military and medical superior, that these experiments were carried out by order of the Chief of the Medical Office of the Wehrmacht and the Chief of the Medical Office of the State, with the initial order from Hitler, and I must therefore carry out these orders.
8. Dr. Hertha Oberhauser and Dr. Schiedlausky did assist me in the sulfanilamide experiments.
9. As a result of these experiments, three people died.
/s/ Fritz Ernst Fischer
MR. McHANEY: This affidavit proves, beyond any peradventure of a doubt, that the features of these criminal experiments were brought home to the leaders of the German Medical World. As Fritz Fischer clearly stated in his former affidavit, it was admitted by these defendants that the experiments were carried on at the Concentration Camp, and they knew just exactly what it meant; the Defendant Karl Brandt was there; the Defendant Siegfried Handloser was there; Schroeder was there; PAUL ROSTOCK was there; HIPPKE was there; Poppendick was there; Fischer and Gebhard, of course, were there. They cannot, now, take the position that they were simply receiving information concerning an act which had already taken place. They cannot, so easily escape their responsibility! This was not information concerning a criminal act which was being brought home to people who had no interest in the matter!
These people were in a position to clearly know a duty, and to know that it could not and should not happen!
The contrary was, as the proofs on the positive experiments will show, at this same meeting Dr. DING alias "Schueler" was giving a report about the Typhus experiments at Buchenwald. And the Defendant Rose will get up and tell you that he well knew that those experiments were nothing more nor less than MURDER! And he states that he so described them in this meeting. But that unfortunately his reports were stricken from the stenographic report of this meeting!
Be that as it may, the fact that Professor Rose states that he did object, makes it clear to this Tribunal that these gentlemen knew what was going on in these concentration camp experiments.
The next document --
THE PRESIDENT: At this time the Tribunal will recess for a few minutes.