1947-01-09, #2: Doctors' Trial (late morning)
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal is of the opinion that the Prosecution Identification 291 having been made and stated by the witness under oath, should be admitted in evidence.
The defendants, of course, may by argument attack its probative value, and if the defendants desire, as part of their cross examination, to propound interrogatories to Alfred Balachowsky, the witness, to be answered by him before a Commissioner to be named by the Tribunal. The Tribunal would give serious consideration to any such application, with the understanding that the answer to the interrogatories made by the witness should be considered as defendants' cross examination of the witness when they are received.
The offered affidavit will be admitted in evidence.
MR. McHANEY: Prosecution Exhibit 291 reads as follows:
Statement Concerning Experiments and Research about Exanthematous Typhus at Buchenwald Camp, made by Alfred Balachowsky, Doctor of Science, laboratory chief at the Paris Pasteur Institute, arrested 2 July 1943 by the Gestapo as section chief of the Underground Net Buckmaster-Prosper (F.F.C.) and charged with parachuting and stocking of arms, establishment and transportation of secret radio stations, assistance to enemy agents and to airmen who landed on French soil.
Held in custody at the German prison Fresnes until 30 November 1943, transferred to Compiegne camp, held there until 16 January 1944.
Deported on 16 January 1944 to Buchenwald camp (serial number 40449), sent on 10 February 1944 to the Dora tunnel. Brought back to Buchenwald on 1 May 1944 in order to work in block 50 (Hygiene-Institut der Waffen-SS), on the production of the vaccine against exanthematous typhus for the German army.
Liberated at Buchenwald camp on 11 April 1945 at 1600 hours by the U.S. Army (Patton). Repatriated to France on 24 April 1945.
1. Functioning of block 50 and 46; Block 50, to which I was assigned during one year, was in charge of SS Sturmbannfuehrer Erwin Din von Schuler; this officer, who subsequently has committed suicide in his cell, was chief of block 46, where all the prisoners of the camp, who had been chosen as 'subjects' for various so-called 'scientific' experiments, were living.
Relations between both blocks, 50 and 46, were continuous, as the secretariat (Geschaeftszimmer) was shared by both and was held by the Austrian political internee Eugene Kogon (serial number 9093), now living at Hohenmarkstrasse 123, Oberursel-Taunus, near Frankfurt a.M. Owing to the prominent position held by him at block 50, Kogon has been able to collect a considerable number of data and documents, which he has saved nearly entirely and which he has turned over, at the time of his liberation, to the U.S. Army Psychological Service (Lt. Rosenberg).
2. I have been personally informed of the experiments which took place in block 46 by:
1) information given to me personally by Eugene Kogon, through whom all reports were being transmitted; 2) by information given by Hans Baumeister, assistant secretary of block 50, German political internee (serial number 1345), who typed all SS reports; 3) by the designer Wilhelm Jentsch, a German political internee (serial number 5754), who made up all graphs which accompanied the reports of experiments; 4) by the analysis slips which were sent to the bacteriological laboratory directed by Professor Ludwig Fleck, of Lwow, a Polish-Jewish political internee (serial number 4934). All sick and typhus-infected people were submitted to the Weil-Felix test, carried out by my comrade, Doctor Rene Morat, French political internee (serial number 42,499).
3. The documents which give much more detailed information and which are in possession of Eugene Kogon, who succeeded, in particular, in getting hold of the diary of the experiments which were of value to the German national defense.
4. The following personalities are members of the Superior Committee of this 'Section':
Dr. Handloser, Inspector-General of the Wehrmacht Medical Service
Dr. Conti, SS-Oberstgruppenfuehrer, (Obergruppenfuehrer)
Dr. Poppendick, SS-Gruppenfuehrer
Dr. Gaenzken, SS-Gruppenfuehrer5. The entire section was placed under the protectorate of Himmler himself, who accorded personally all facilities for the carrying out of the research, which, by the way, interested him very much.
All decisions were made under the cover of his undisputed and overwhelming authority.
6. Initiatives referring to any experiment had to be reported to the V.S. No. 5 in Leipzig, which subsequently arranged for their execution, ont only in block 46 of Buchenwald camp, but also in similar blocks which existed in other camps (Belsen, Struthoff, Auschwitz, Dachau, etc.). An Inspector was specially assigned to the supervising of all this work. It was SS-Oberfuehrer Mrugowsky, a tall Prussian, whom I saw several times at the camp last on 20 March 1945, when he just had inspected the extermination block No. 61.
7. Another personality who was interested in those experiments but did not participate officially therein was the Erbprinz zu Waldeck and Pyremont, SS-Obergruppenfuehrer, General of the Waffen-SS, Polizeifuehrer for Hesse and Thuringia, residing at Kassel. He visited block 46 several times.
8. In Buchenwald camp itself, the director of the experiments ordered by the V. S. No. 5 of Leipzig was SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Ding von Schuler. Only in quite exceptional cases did he take any personal initiative and he did not carry out the orders which he received. After every series of experiments, he had to hand in a detailed report, which was typed at block 50 by E. Kogon or Hans Baumeister, and to which graphs or photostats were attached. The photographic work was done at block 50 by the Dutch internee Johannes Robert (serial number 3103), now residing at Amsterdam, Scheldestraat 88, as well as by another Dutch, a friend of his, who worked as Schreiber (clerk) at block 46.
9. If the scientific direction of block 46 was in charge of the SS-Sturmbannfuehrer von Schler-Ding, all the practical execution of the experiments was entrusted to the Kapo of block 46, the German political internee Arthur Dietzsch, residing at present at Detmold (Lippe-Detmold, British Zone). When he left the camp, he married a prostitute of the Buchenwald brothel.
10. Dietzsch symbolizes the brute in every physical and moral respect, and he has killed with his own hands several thousands of internees of every nationality.
11. In 1945, he had collected 20 years of prison. Arrested in 1924, at a time when he was a Schupo policeman, he had been sentenced then to 15 years prison (Zuchthaus), for having sold State Police documents to the Communists. Kept in prison by the Hitler regime, he was sent at last to Buchenwald camp, where he was renowned because of his bestiality. He first was 'Einkaeufer' (buyer) at the Revier (hospital) of the camp, where he made the acquaintance of Schuler, who, prior to the war (in 1939), was the SS Lagerarzt (chief physician) of the Revier of Buchenwald camp.
12. Schuler went to the front in September 1939, participated in the battle of France, and was sent in 1941 on a medical mission to the Pasteur Institute in Paris (service of Dr. Giroud), in order to study there the new methods for producing vaccine against exanthematous typhus out of rabbit lungs (so-called Giroud method.).
13. Having returned to Buchenwald in October 1941, the SS man Schuler takes charge of block 41 (at the time), and is looking for a devoted helper in order to carry out the program required by his new position. He asked for volunteers to assist him, but nobody volunteered. At last, Schuler called directly on Dietzsch, who accepted. This new position at once gave Dietzsch considerable advantages in the camp. The right of life and death of the internees, for he had practically, if not the right, then at least the means to recruit whom he wanted as 'experimental subjects'. Dietzsche was tolerated by the Communist faction of the camp, which had discretionary powers at Buchenwald, as he had the power to eliminate the enemies of the party in the shortest time.
14. Brutal, stupid, cruel, a sadist and a drunkard, he received as a reward for his object activity considerable material advantages, superior even to those received by the SS themselves; he wielded a discretionary power over the camp; he had absolute authority, and even permitted himself to be rude toward SS non-commissioned officers.
15. He signed an agreement with the SS who entrusted him with this position, according to which he undertook to execute personally everything which would he asked of him.
16. This kind of 'agreement' was an exception at the camp and was asked only of a few internees who were completely devoted to the SS and who carried out on their behalf a dirty job. This was also the case for the common criminal (green patch) Kapo of the 'Crematory', who enjoyed an exceptional regime and received a bonus of 200 cubic centimeters of alcohol for every prisoner who was executed in the basement of his building, which had been transformed into an execution chamber. He was a notorious necrophile who had found there a position where he could give way to his horrible vice without any restraint. In the morning of 11 April 1945, he left with the last SS-men and was probably executed on the road by his SS friends.
17. Among the internees who were well informed about the occurrences at block 46, one should also quote Dr. Marian Ciepielowsky (a Polish political internee, serial number 4347). He was interned there to be put to death with two other fellow countrymen of his, who perished. Ciepielowsky was saved by Schuler, who appointed him as his chief of production of the vaccine, at block 50. He made use of his position to commit sabotage of the production with a very laudable cold-bloodedness and efficiency. On the other hand, he exerted his authority in order to protect as far as possible the internees, to limit the executions, to nullify the experiments, to falsify the results, and always proved himself to be a very jolly comrade.
18. At Buchenwald, the Experimental Block, established at the beginning in block 41, was transferred to blocks 44, 49, and finally, in November 1942, to block 46. This latter adaptation was final and the block was able to lodge permanently about 300 inmates.
19. Block 46 was an isolated block, surrounded by barbed wire, with doors and windows which were always closed; the internees never left it and were not submitted to any roll call. When entering block 46, they wore their camp serial member. All of them received another one which was listed on the experiment files. Those who died (nearly all of them) were listed on the camp files.
20. In general, the internees serving as 'Guinea Pigs', if they survived an experiment, were put to death at its end by an injection of Prussic acid (1 cubic centimetre, intravenously) or of 10 ccm concentrated Phenol solution (intracardiac).
21. In December 1944, I have seen that 3 straitjackets were put on the order list of block 46; this was filed at the pharmacy of block 50 by the Luxembourg political internee Victor HOLPER (serial number 8411), now residint 38 Ave, de la Liberte in Luxembourg.
22. At block 46, grenades and automatic pistols were also at the disposal of DIETZSCH, in order to prevent any internal or external revolt at the block. There were also male nurses, "strong men", well fed, and selected for their bodily strength, in order to muzzle those who did not obey.
RECRUITMENT OF SUBJECTS FOR BLOCK 46
23. The list of the internees which were utilized as Guinea pigs at block 46 was established by the offices of the "Politische Abteilung" and comprised, as a matter of principle, but the "green" ones (criminals). In practice, the list was sent to the Revier (hospital) where the individual convocation took place, through the intermediary of the Kapo BUSSE (chief of the Revier). He was able to modify the list according to his wishes and to substitute another name for anyone listed. In this way, certain political internees died at block 46.
The SS-physician HOVEN, who was in charge of the Revier, played a dark part in the liquidations of block 46. In order to camouflage the experiments, real sick, contagiously sick, and especially typhus cases, were accommodated at block 46.
EXPERIMENTS CARRIED OUT AT BLOCK 46 CONCERNING EXANTHEMATOUS TYPHUS.
24. A. Cultures of typhus. The production of anti-typhoid vaccine made use of cultures consisting of infected human blood with which the animals (Guinea pigs, mice, rabbits) were inoculated and whose organs (marrow, lungs) were then collected for production purposes.
It reads "anti-typhoid"; it obviously should read "anti-typhus".
25. SCHULER established at block 46 a certain number of cultures whose virulence and behavior were variable according to his opinion, and which he called Bu I, Bu II.....Bu XII (Bu -- Buchenwald). Thus he could have strong, medium and weak typhus forms, with such and such clinical characteristics. The activity of those stocks could be increased by "passages".
26. Every determined culture was maintained by "passage", meaning the inoculation of 0.5 to 1 cubic centimeter of infected blood from an individual bearer of culture to a new individual. Generally the virulent blood was tapped 5 to 6 days after the inoculation (which took place through intravenous injection), the second day after the appearance of the exanthema.
27. Typhus inoculation by intravenous means at the indicated doses always gave to the disease a very serious character, and death invariably occurred between the 10th and the 30th day after the inoculating injection.
28. For every listed culture (I have been able to note with certainly at least 12 in the files of block 46) two internees at least were sacrified every month at block 46, that means 24 a month and nearly 600 in two years.
29. The experimental files, copied from block 46 files a few days prior to the liberation of the camp, indicates the number of cultures, the various passages and the course of the experiments.
EXPERIMENTS CONCERNING THE VALUE OF THE VACCINES
30. The German army made use of several vaccines against exanthematous typhus, vaccines of inequal value, and the comparative value of these various vaccines was experimented on.
31. Besides the vaccine which was produced on a rather large scale (25-30 liters a month) at block 50 by the so-called Giroud method (rabbit lung), the German army also made use of vaccines of Polish (Weigl Institute, of Crocow and Lwow), Italian (chicken embryo), German (Hamburg Tropical Institute), French (Pasteur Institute) Danish (mice lungs) origin.
32. In may 1944, the V.S. of Leipzig decided to carry out important experiments concerning the comparable value of these various vaccines at the Buchenwald block 46. According to the report typed at block 50, 156 internees were sacrificed in the course of this checking.
33. These subjects were divided into two lots; the first lot (20 internees) was exclusively used for checking purposes, and the people were inoculated with various typhus cultures without having been vaccinated previously. The other lot (136 internees) were vaccinated with the various vaccines mentioned before and at variable doses. 15 days after the last vaccine injection, all subjects were inoculated with typhoid" -- that should be typhus -- "by 1 cubic centimeter of blood in intravenous injections; this blood came out of the culture carriers, under the usual conditions.
34. From the 10th day on, the test persons began to die, as indicated by the record of the experiment, which I have seen myself, accompanied by an explaining graph. The vaccinated subjects held out longer, and this resistance was related with the dose and the nature itself of the vaccines which were used in the experiments.
35. The Weigl vaccines (obtained by the crushing of lice) were the most efficient and gave to the people subjected to the experiments a real immunity. The few survivors of these experiments were murdered, according to the rule of block 46, by intracardiac injections (10 cubic centimeters) of concentrated solution, given either by the Kapo DIETZSCH or one of the nurses recruited by him.
36. The report on these experiments, which Hans BAUMEISTER has shown me, has been sent to Leipzig at the end of August or the beginning of September 1944.
SEROLOGICAL EXPERIMENTS CONCERNING TYPHUS
37. It was a strict rule at block 50 not to take any scientific initiative, not to carry out any personal experiment and not to give any suggestion to Schuler, who always asked us for advice in order to improve the vaccine. We knew that the least initiative had as a result the introduction of new experiments, which meant the death of comrades KOGON, CIEPIELOWSKY, and myself insisted as much as we could that those of our block comrades who had a scientific responsibility strictly observed these rules which, on the whole, were followed.
38. However, Dr. Prof. Ludwig FLECK of Lwow, Jewish-Polish political internee, serial number 4934, deliberately mentioned to SCHULER in July 1944 that he believed to have observed modifications in the serological reactions, when a sudden rise of the agglutination percentage in the Weil Felix reaction from 1/400 to 1/800 occurred on the 3rd and 4th days of the disease.
39. Immediately, SCHULER sent a report to Leipzig asking for experiments and the authorization was given very soon.
40. On 6 September 1944, 20 new subjects were innoculated at block 46 and serological observations were made from day to day.
41. The W.F. reaction did not appear to be specific, only 2 subjects of the 20 showed it.
42. Of the 20 internees which were innoculated on 6 September:
4 died on 20 September; 8 died on 21 September; 5 died on 22 September; 2 died between 22 September and 11 October; 19 dead. There was only 1 single survivor, who probably has been murdered.
The agglutination percentages have been observed from day to day by my comrade, Dr. Rene MORAT, who gave me all informations on the subject.
43. TYPHUS CHEMOTHERAPY. Experiments concerning the chemical reaction of certain substances, in order to cure exanthematous typhus, were also made at block 46 of Buchenwald, as shown by a report typed by Eugene KOGON at block 50.
44. A certain number of these experiments have been made on request of the I.G. Farbenindustrie of Frankfurt am Main, particularly by Prof. LAUTENSCELAEGER, who had ROTENOEL granules, acridine and nitroacridine experimented on internees at block 46. The report mentions a mortality percentage of 53% for the acridine and of 56% for the nitroacridine.
45. Other substances have been sent for experimental purposes by the BEHRING-Werke of Marburg, and Dr. RUGE of the Hamburg Tropical Institute took a strong interest in this research.
This is dated, Paris, 24 May 1946, and signed by Dr. Alfred BALACHOWSKI.
I would like at this time to introduce a document, NO-859, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 292. If the Tribunal please, this document has been delayed in translation.
It was meant to be inserted on page 20 of the English Document Book. On page 20 you will find the certificate on these documents. They were copied by Professor Robert WEITZ, whose name was mentioned by the witness Kogon, when he testified, as being one of those working in block 50, I believe it was, and he certifies that he copied these fever charts and clinical reports from the originals in Buchenwald.
This exhibit consists of seven fever charts which came from BLOCK 46 in the Buchenwald Concentration Camp, and these show the incidence of sickness of the inmates inoculated with typhus.
On five charts, namely those enumerated "590" "591" "651" "652" and "658", a red cross showed the patient died. For instance, on the -- I will pass the original up to the TRIBUNAL.
(Mr. McHaney passes document to the President.)
MR. McHANEY: (continuing) Patient No. "652", is the fever chart on top, and you will see a small red cross at the end of the red fever line on that fever chart.
I don't think it's necessary that I read all of the translation that has been handed up to the TRIBUNAL; as you can see the exhibit consists mostly of fever charts. However, on the back of some of those fever charts, will be found notes written in ink, and those give the progress of the disease.
For example, on the second page of the translation of this document they give a running account of clinical observations. For instance, it reads up on the top:
exanthem 18 marmoreal like resemblance of both thighs 19th-22nd exudation of the exanthem, lentil sized rosoolos on the 23th exanthem hemmorrhagic eyes 18th heavy conjunctivitis, eyelids swollen.
From 23rd hare's eyes tongue 18th greyish white coating, edges free, point reddened, on 21st epistaxix heart 20th mitro systolic murmur 24th sounds low, pendullum rythm -- pulse low, soft, regular spleen 22nd enlarged, palpable, 23rd pressure sensitive liver 22nd state of health 16th
--These numbers, "16" and so on, apparently indicate the day following the date of inoculation.
16th slight headaches, soreness of limbs, sweats; 19th heavy headaches, aching back; 21st giddiness; 22nd fainting spells, delirious during the night; 24th facial tick around the mouth and lower jaw at night, difficult breathing.
I think that is a sufficient reading of this document. The rest of this translation, consists of substantially the same sort of descriptive material; that is, clinical observations on persons who underwent the experiments in BLOCK 46 in Buchenwald.
At this time, the Prosecution would like to have the witness Edith SCHMIDT called to the stand.
THE PRESIDENT: The MARSHAL will summon the witness Edith SCHMIDT.
MR. McHANEY: If the TRIBUNAL please, this witness is a FRENCH citizen. However, she is from ELSASS, and can testify in GERMAN, so I think that will simplify matters.
EDITH SCHMIDT, a witness took the stand and testified as follows:
BY THE PRESIDENT: The witness will rise and hold up her right hand.
(The witness rose and raised her right hand)
THE PRESIDENT: You swear to speak without hate or fear, to say the truth, all the truth, and only the truth. You have raised your right hand. Now, say "I SO SWEAR".
(The witness repeated the oath and the words: "I SO SWEAR")
THE PRESIDENT: You may sit down.
DIRECT EXAMINATION BY MR. McHANEY:
Q: Witness, your name is Edith SCHMIDT?
A: Yes.
Q: Your last name is "SCHMIDT"?
A: Yes.
Q: You were born on August 26, 1899?
A: Yes.
Q: And you were born in BOULAIS, France.
A: Yes. 1364
Q: Are you a French citizen?
A: Yes.
Q: Will you tell the TRIBUNAL what your education has been?
A: I attended the MIDDLE school in SAARGEMUEND and HAGENAU. Then, in 1921, I took my first BACCALAUREATE; that is, I graduated from SECONDARY school. And then, I was a volunteer student at the PHARMACOLOGICAL Institute at the University of STRASSBOURG.
Q: What work have you done since you graduated from Strasbourg; University of Strassbourg?
A: In 1928, I left the University of Strassbourg. (pause) No, in 1929 (pause) Excuse me. And then I worked at the PASTEUR Institute in PARIS. Afterwards, I went back to the University of Strassbourg. I worked at the PHARMACOLOGICAL Institute there. Since 1929, I did not work any more since my mother was ill, and then I went to the HYGENIC Institute in Strassbourg, in 1942, in February; I worked there under Prof. Haagan. In my work there, I was in charge of the serological -- bacteriological course of the students; independently, alone.
Q: And what sort of work did you do with Prof. Haagen?
A: As I said, I had the serological-bacteriological course of the students.
Q: And how long were you associated with Prof. Haagen, in Strassbourg?
A: From the 1st of February, 1942, until the LIBERATION.
Q: Was Haagen's first name "Eugene"?
A: Yes.
Q: "Eugene Haagen"?
A: Yes
Q: Was he an officer in the LUFTWAAFE?
A: Yes, he wore the uniform of the LUFTWAAFE.
Q: Now, witness, did Haagen work in his laboratory at Strassbourg on yellow fever.
A: Yes.
Q: Did he also do some work on INFLUENZA?
A: Yes
Q: And then On Typhus?
A: Yes.
Q: Was he working in an effort to develop vaccines for those diseases?
A: Yes.
Q: During the course of your work with Haagen, do you know whether he ever performed any medical experiments on Concentration Camp inmates?
A: Yes.
Q: Will you tell the TRIBUNAL what you know about those experiments beginning with the first?
A: The experiments, as far as I recall, extended from about May 1943 to July 1944. The first knowledge of experiments on human beings, I received in about May 1943. But first in reference to experiments with influenza vaccines produced from the lungs of mouse structure injected into inmates of the Concentration Camp SCHIRMECK. When I objected to Prof. Haagen and to his Assistant, SS Ober-Artz Dr. Helmut GREFE, that was a CRIME, Dr. GREFE told me, in the presence of Prof. Haagen, that I should calm myself, that the experiments would not be performed on inmates but on POLES. When I said (pause) objected (pause) that was the same thing, Dr. GREFE said "No, POLES are not Human beings"; and I said that was not true; and, therefore, I was told that I was to be quiet. This vaccine was later, when its harmlessness had been ascertained, used on personnel of the University of Strassbourg, who volunteered.
Q: Now, witness, in connection with these experiments at the Schirmeck Concentration Camp, did you have any reason to believe that typhus experiments might also have been conducted there, as well as influenza?
A: Yes, I assumed it but I was not able to get any evidence to that effect.
Q: Why did you assume that, witness? What made you think that they might be experimenting with typhus at Schirmeck in 1943?
A: I saw what materials were taken to Schirmeck and I said to myself, "There must be typhus experiments there, too."
Q: You mean by material that you saw typhus vaccines being taken to Schirmeck?
A: Yes.
Q: Now witness, you have told us about the experiments at Schirmeck. Do you know of any other experiments on concentration camp inmated by Dr. Haagen?
A: Yes.
Q: Will you please tell us about these?
A: At the end of 1943 I saw a letter which Professor Haagen wrote to an SS office through Professor Dr. Hirt, a professor of the Anatomical Institute at Strasbourg. In this letter, inmates of the concentration camp, I think Dauchau, were requested in order to carry out typhus experiments. A second letter came to my knowledge. In this letter Professor Dr. Haagen wrote that the human material which had been sent him was not suitable for the experiments. A part of the concentration camp inmates of, I believe Dauchau, who arrived at Schirmeck were in a condition which would not have produced the same results from typhus vaccinations. Part of them had died on the way. Thereupon Professor Dr. Haagen demanded concentration camp prisoners in the health condition of a German soldier.
Q: Now, witness, I would like to interrupt you at this point and have handed to you Document Number NO-121 and ask you if this is the letter which you saw from Dr. Haagen to Dr. Hirt. If Your Honors please, this is on page 78 of the Typhus Document Book.
(Copy of document is shown to witness.)
A: Yes, that is the letter.
MR. McHANEY: I offer Document Number NO-121 as Prosecution Exhibit 293 and I would like at this point to read it into the record. It is a letter to Professor Dr. Hirt, Anatomical Institute of the Reich University, Strasbourg. The letter is from Dr. Haagen to Hirt. The date does not appear on the translation; however, it is on the original. It is November 15, 1943:
On 13 November 1943, an inspection was made of the prisoners that were furnished to me in order to determine their suitability for the tests which have been planned for the spotted fever vaccines. Of the 100 prisoners that have been selected in their former camp, 18 died during transport. Only 12 prisoners are in such a condition that they can be used for these experiments, provided they can be brought into a state of vigor. This should take about 2 to 3 months. The remaining prisoners are in such a condition that they cannot be used at all for these purposes.
I might point out that the experiments are for the purpose of testing a new vaccine. Such experiments only lead to fruitful results when they are carried out with normally nourished subjects whose physical powers are comparable with those of the soldiers. Therefore, experiments with the present group of prisoners cannot yield usable results, particularly since a large part of them are apparently afflicted with maladies which make them unsuitable for these experiments. A long period of rest and of good nourishment would not alter this fact.
I request, therefore, that you send me 100 prisoners of age between 20 to 40 years, who are healthy and who are so constituted physically that they furnish comparable material.
Heil Hitler!
Staff Physician Professor Dr. E. Haagen
Q: Now, witness, will you continue to tell us what you learned about these experiments following your knowledge of this letter which I have just read?
A: After I had seen this letter I paid all the more attention to what was going on in the typhus laboratory. It was somewhat difficult for me since I was the only worker who was not vaccinated against typhus so that I would be kept away from the work. I should like to remark that I was the only Alsatian in the Institute. In spite of that I learned that typhus vaccine was being produced with Rickettsia Prowazeki and egg yolk culture. This vaccine was dried by a special method and I assume that it was dissolved in a solution again before injection. In any case, these fluids were taken along when Professor Haagen went to the Concentration Camp Natzweiler, which happened rather frequently.
Q: Did Haagen also cultivate in his laboratory at Strasbourg a virulent typhus virus?
A: Yes, on guinea pigs, in the brains of guinea pigs.
Q: And did he take these guinea pigs to Natzweiler with him?
A: Yes, they were used to infect the prisoners. As far as I know, part of the prisoners were infected and vaccinated and part of them were so-called "control persons" who were not vaccinated.
Q: Now, witness, you state that these experiments were carried out at Natzweiler. How do you know that fact?
A: I saw the list.
Q: And who had made up this list?
A: The assistant of Dr. Haagen.
Q: And what was the name of the assistant of Dr. Haagen?
A: It was a woman, Miss Crodel.
Q: And that name is spelled C-r-o-d-e-l?
A: Yes.
Q: Did you see the notes prepared by Miss Crodel on the typhus experiments at Natzweiler?
A: Yes.
Q: Were you able to ascertain approximately how many men had been experimented on?
A: Yes, from 150 to 200 probably.
Q: And you were also able to determine, from these notes, that some of these experimental subjects had not been given a protective vaccine before they were injected with typhus?
A: Yes.
Q: Were you able to determine from these notes of Miss Crodel, approximately how many of these experimental subjects died as a result of the experiments?
A: Yes. Including the control persons there were about 50.
Q: Can you give us the approximate date when these experiments were carried out in the Natzweiler Camp?
A: As far as I recall, these experiments must have been especially in the spring of 1944 but it is possible that they began the end of 1943. I cannot say exactly. In any case I know that when I saw Crodel's notes it was spring or summer, I know that the sun was shining on the pages.
Q: Now, Miss Schmidt, could you tell from seeing these notes of Miss Crodel what the nationalities of the experimental subjects were?
A: I do not know much about that but I do know that gypsies were used for this purpose. As far as I know, persons of all nationalities were used. I know only of one time I heard Professor Haagen talking on the telephone and he said that a Danish doctor was to be excepted.
Q: Now, witness, can you tell us what color the Danish --
THE PRESIDENT: The Danish witness was to be accepted or excepted?
A: She was to be excepted, not to be included.
Q: Will you tell the Tribunal what color this virus material had that was used by Haagen in these experiments?
A: Yellowish grey, a yellowish grey liquid, not thick, not thin.
Q: Now, witness, do you know whether reports were made by Haagen on this typhus experiments?
A: Yes.
Q: Do you know where these reports were sent?
A: I cannot say exactly, but as far as I know all letters were from Haagen to Luftwaffenarzt mitte, Berlin-Dahlem, Kronprinzenstr., 52 or 56.
Q: Do you know whether Haagen corresponded with the main doctor in the Luftwaffe by the name of Rose?
A: Yes.
Q: Was this correspondence very frequent?
A: I so not know that.
Q: Do you know whether this correspondence over concerned typhus experiments?
A: As far as I know, yes.
Q: Do you know whether Rose ever made any visits to Strassbourg?
A: Yes. I saw Dr. Rose in Strassbourg myself. I was introduced to him.
Q: How many times have you seen Rose in Strassbourg?
A: At least three or four times.
Q: Will you describe what Professor Rose looked like on the occasion that you were introduced to him?
A: What I remember most vividly was his monocle. He was a tall man with a very good appearance in his uniform, and he were a monocle.
Q: Did he wear a beard at that time?
A: No.
Q: What was Professor Rose's demeanor when you met him, did he strike you as a proud and elegant man?
A: Yes.
Q: Did he say "Heil Hitler" when you were introduced to him?
A: Yes, twice, when I was introduced to him and then he shook hands with me and then he raised his arm again.
Q: Do you know what Rose's rank was at that time in the Luftwaffe?
A: I believe Professor Haagen spoke of Generalarzt or Generaloberarzt, I don't remember exactly. I don't know the German titles well enough.
Q: Now, do you know whether a general of the Luftwaffe, other than Rose ever visited Haagen in Strassbourg?
A: One day when I was in charge of the serological course I was told to keep my students quiet since a very high, -- I believe the highest physician of the Luftwaffe was expected.
Q: Do you remember approximately when was that?
A: That must have been about June 1944.
Q: Is the name Shroeder familiar to you?
A: Yes. It was the name Shroeder which I believe I heard.
Q: That is you were told that Shroeder was visiting Strassbourg on this occasion that you have mentioned?
A: Yes.
Q: Do you know the name of the woman who served as secretary to Haagen?
A: Yes, the secretary of the Institute.
Q: Who was it that served as personal secretary to Officer Haagen in Strassbourg, do you know that?
A: Haagen had, one might say, two secretaries, Miss Eyer, who was secretary of the Institute, and Miss Crodel.
Q: Did you know Miss Eyer?
A: Yes, very well.
Q: Did she ever tell you that Haagen corresponded with Rostock?
A: Yes.
Q: Do you know what that correspondence concerned?
A: No.
Q: Going back to the visit of Rose to Strassbourg can you fix the dates of those visits, approximately?
A: It must have been 1943 or 1944. I believe the first visit was in the summer of 1943; before the 31st of July. I was in the classroom to see whether everything was ready for the course, when I was introduced to Professor Rose.
Q: And what about the second visit, could that have been in 1944, the second and third visit?
A: I believe so.
Q: Is the name Professor Bickenbach familiar to you?
A: Yes.
Q: Was he connected with the University of Strassbourg?
A: Yes. He was at the internal section of the University of Strassbourg and was at the Research Institute, as far as I recall he was a professor there.
Q: And do you know anything concerning his activities at Strassbourg, what research work he was connected with?
A: Yes, it was said that Professor Bickenbach was working on gas experiments.
Q: Do you know where these experiments were being conducted by him?
A: I cannot say. I only know that he had a laboratory in the old fortification of Strassbourg.
Q: Did you ever hear that Bickenbach went to Natzweiler and conducted some gas experiments there?
A: I know nothing about that.
Q: Is the name August Hirt familiar to you?
A: Yes.
Q: Was he connected with the anatomic institute at Strassbourg?
A: He was the professor of the Anatomical Institute.
Q: What was the name of one of his assistants; did he have an assistant who wore the uniform of a Luftwaffe officer?
A: I do not remember that. I remember the name, but whether that was the one in the Luftwaffe or not, I don't know anymore.
Q: Do you know the name Wimmer?
A: A Dr. Wimmer?
Q: And he was an assistant to Professor Hirt?
A: As far as I know, yes.
Q: Did you ever hear or do you know anything about any of the gas experiments conducted by Hirt and Wimmer?
A: About what, please?
Q: About the gas experiments conducted by Hirt or Wimmer?
A: Yes.
Q: What do you know about those experiments, if anything?
A: I do not know much. It was only said that Professor Hirt--Wimmer--I don't know that. But that Professor Hirt was conducting gas experiments in Natzweiler and it was also said that he was undertaking autopsies of people who were not dead yet.
Q: Did you hear what type of gas that they were experimenting with at Natzweiler?
A: No.
Q: You never heard the name of Lost gas mentioned?
A: No.
Q: Were Dr. Hirt and Dr. Haagen rather close friends?
A: Yes, I think so.
MR. McHANEY: I have no further questions at this time.
THE PRESIDENT: At this time the Tribunal will recess until 1:30 o'clock.