1947-01-15, #3: Doctors' Trial (early afternoon)
AFTERNOON SESSION The hearing reconvened at 1330 hours, 15 January 1947.
THE MARSHAL: The Tribunal is again in session.
MR. McHANEY: If the Tribunal please, before the recess we were considering the nationality of the Gross-Rosen concentration camp inmates who were listed for transport to the extermination center at Bernburg. That list begins on page 33 of the English Document Book and I had demonstrated that Inmate No. 21, listed on page 33, was of Polish nationality by reference back to the list compiled by the concentration camp doctors in Gross-Rosen in December 1941.
JUDGE SEBRING: Mr. McHaney, at the beginning you referred to the Inmate No. 2 and referred us back to page 9.
MR. McHANEY: No. 2, page 9, that is correct.
JUDGE SEBRING: Have you told us the number on page 9?
MR. McHANEY: The number on page 9 is listed as 26748.
JUDGE SEBRING: Thank you.
MR. McHANEY: It is the third name from the top of the list on page I do not wish to labor the Tribunal by showing in each instance how it can determined that one or the other of the inmates listed on page 33 and follow ing are Poles or Czechs but I would like to give two further examples in order to demonstrate how in each case.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal does not desire to limit you in any such manner, Mr. McHaney.
MR. McHANEY: Does not desire to...
THE PRESIDENT: To limit you in any such manner.
MR. McHANEY: No. 22 on page 33.
THE PRESIDENT: It might be helpful to the Tribunal if you would elaborate them as much as you desire.
MR. McHANEY: I wish to indicate, for the Tribunal's information, each person on this list of two hundred and some names who was a Pole or a Czech but I will not in each instance prove it by reference back.
THE PRESIDENT: It seems to me that would be sufficient, Mr. McHaney.
MR. McHANEY: No. 22 is listed as Cichon, Josef.
JUDGE SEBRING: On what page is that?
MR. McHANEY: Page 33, Your Honor, No. 22, with the birth date of March 25, 1910. If the Tribunal will refer back to page 24, under "Roles in protective custody" at the top of the page, you will see Joseph Cichon listed as No.934. That is the fourth name down from the top of the list on Rage 24, giving the same birth date and thereby showing that the named individual included in the list of those sent to Bernburg, beginning on page 33, was a Pole.
By the same token, the inmate listed as No. 23 on page 33, Chrust, Michel, giving as birth date 27.8.12, is shown to be of Polish nationality by reference to page 25, no, that is a mistake, Your Honor, it is page 24, the prisoner listed as 133 on page 24, just above the one we had mentioned before, Josef Cichon. Do you find it? It is the third down from the top of the page. Michel Chrust, the same birth date, August 27, 1912, as a Pole in protective custody.
So, on page 33, which is the beginning of the extermination list, we have four inmates of Polish nationality, No. 2, No. 21, No, 22, and No. 23. On the next page, page 34, the inmate listed as No. 31 was Polish, No. 42 was Polish.
JUDGE SEBRING: No. 42?
MR. McHANEY: No. 42, yes, Sir. No. 47 was Polish; No. 51 was Czech; No. 66, Polish. On the next page, that is, page 35, No. 72 was Czech, No. 74 Czech; No. 79, polish; No. 80, Polish; No. 81, Polish; No. 82, Polish; No. 83, Polish; No. 89, Polish; No. 97, Polish, No.100, Czech; No.104, Polish, No.108, Czech. On the next page, page 36, No.112, Polish; No.114, Polish; No.117, Polish; No.118, Polish; No.129, Polish. On the next page, page 37, No.131, Polish; No.133, Polish; No.135, Polish; No.137, Polish; No.143, Czech; No.144, Polish; No.148, Polish; No.149, Polish; No.150, Polish; No.158, Polish; No.160, Czech; No.171, Polish; No.172, Polish, No.173, Polish. On the next page, page 38, No.177, Polish; No.181, Czech; No.186, Polish; No.190, Polish; No.191, Polish; No.193, Polish; No.198, Czech; No.109, Polish; No.203, Polish; No.204, Polish; No.209, Polish; No.213, Polish.
These designations of Polish and Czechoslovakian nationality are taken from the list made up in Gross-Rosen where the prisoners were so designated as being of Polish or Czech nationality. It should not be understood that have designated all the non-German nationals in this list of 214 names of inmates who were sent to Bernburg for extermination, the reason being that nationalities of the very large number of Jews initially picked out and a large number of whom are included in this list are not shown; that is, the nationalities of the Jews are not specified. However, as can be seen from Exhibit 410, on page 9 and following, a substantial number of these Jews were born in countries other than Germany, as I have previously indicated; and so it is apparent, I think, that a further substantial number of the inmates among these 214 Gross-Rosen inmates were of non-German nationality. Be that as it may, we have proved without any question, that of the 314 inmates listed, 51, no less than 51, were of Polish or Czechoslovakian nationality, which is approximately 35 percent of the total number listed for extermination at Bernburg.
I turn now to page 39 of the document book, which is still a part of Document1151-PS, Prosecution Exhibit 411. This letter originated in the concentration camp, Gross-Rosen, and is dated 6 March 1942, stamped "Secret".
Subject: Transfer of inmates to the Mental Institution to Mr. Mr. Gedenschwing personally, Bernburg:
In reply to your letter of 3 March 1942, we wish to inform you that only a transport by rail can be considered, no suitable vehicles being avail able. The fact, however, that a great number of the inmates are not in a condition to march, would necessitate their transport from the railroad station by vehicle. The transport will leave then on 23 March 1942.
I furthermore beg you to inform me whether the inmates are to go to Bernburg or elsewhere. At present, there are still 125 inmates who are to be transferred.
An accurate list of names will be handed to the conductor of the transport.
Heil - Hitler.
Signed by the camp commander of the concentration camp Gross-Rosen.
The next page, page 40, we find is a teletype from Liebehenschel, the manner of the inspectorate of the concentration camps, stationed in Oranienburg, dated March 25, 1942, addressed:
To the Camp Commanders of the Concentration Camps, Gross-Rosen,
Secret:
Report here through FS, how many inmates were transferred to date for special treatment 14 f 13. This report must include times of the selection, as well as the number of inmates transferred. In compliance with the local circular order POL. /AZ.: 14f 13/OT./S. of 10 December 41 in the future a numerical report on each selection is to be submitted immediately.
We find the answer to this teletype from Gross-Rosen on page 41, it is dated 26 March 1942:
To SS Economic-Administrative Main Office, Section D, Oranienburg.
By this time the W.V.H.A. under Oswald Pohl, recently indicted had taken over the administrative jurisdiction of concentrations camps, that jurisdiction was exercised through Section D of the office of the W.V.H.A. This teletype is labeled.
Secret:
Subject: Special treatment 14 f 13, concerning: Your teletype letter of 25 March 1942.
In answer to the above letter, the commander of the concentration camp Gross Rosen reports the following: On 19 and 20 January 1942, 214 inmates were selected. From this number, 70 were transferred on 17 March 1942 and 57 inmates on 18 March 1942. Between 20 January and 17 March, 1942 36 selected inmates died. The remainder of 51 inmates consists of 42 Jews, who are able to work and 10 other inmates, who have remained their strength owing to a temporary cessation of work (camp closed between 17 January and 17 February 1942) and who will therefore not be transferred. (signed) The Camp Commander Redl, SS 0bersturmbannfuehrer.
This is a most interesting Document. You will see that the transport of the selected inmates from Gross-Rosen place on two dates: 70 being transferred on March 17, 1942 and 57 inmates on March 18, 1942. We have introduced already, as Prosecution Exhibit 410, the list of the 57 inmates transferred on March 18, 1932. That exhibit begins on page 7 of the Document book. We have already covered that exhibit and the fact constitutes the second transport of 57 inmates. I have counted them and there are precisely 57 names in that list.
This is a very revealing Document, as it shows so clearly one of the primary bases of selection of the inmates to be executed. It tells that 51 of the inmates were given a respite from work from January 20th to March 17th and recovered sufficiently so that they were able to again perform work, so that they were not included in this transport to Bernburg for extermination.
How, then, can the Defense maintain that this Buthanasia program had as its basis consideration for eugenics and the purification of the German race? It is difficult to understand how the murder of fifty-one Czechs and Poles could have anything to do with the purification of the German race.
It is also difficult to understand an argument justifying mercy killings, so-called on the grounds of eugenics or the elimination of incurably insane persons, when we found that they did not send to the extermination camp fifty-one persons who were given a few days rest and then became able to perform work. No, it is perfectly clear that the basic consideration was the inability of the persons to work, they were useless caters and a burden to the war economy of Germany.
On Page 42 we find another letter from Bernburg dated 10 March 1942, to the Commander of the concentration camp Gross-Rosen, subjects "Transfer of inmates - Your letter of 6 March '42."
We are in possession of your above-mentioned letter and forward the signed receipt. As regards the transport of the 125 inmates we make the following suggestion: Transport the 125 inmates by rail on 23 March 1942 to the station Guesten (Anhalt). From there we will fetch the inmates with motor trucks.
We ask you to inform us in good time when the transport is to arrive at Guesten, so that we can make the necessary preparations. At the same time we ask you to provide sufficient men to guard the inmates until we take them over. We would appreciate it, if your men would also undertake the guarding of the transport as far as the asylum Bernburg. In this case the guards would be taken care of by us and then again put on their March to Gross-Rosen. In reply to your inquiry we wish to inform you, that the destination of the rail transport is Guesten, whereas the final destination of the inmates is Bernburg (Saale), where they will remain.
Heil Hitler!
Hirche.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal would like to examine the original of that document, counsel.
MR. McHANEY: This particular document which I have just read is indicated as being on Page 27 of the original which the Tribunal now has before it.
The next document and the next part of this same document is on Page 43 of the document book. This is a letter from the WVHA, Section D, Concentration Camps. This is one of the form letters which was sent at the same time to the camp commanders of the concentration camps Dachau, -- the "Du" there undoubtedly should be "Bu" -- Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Neuengamme, Auschwitz, Gross-Rosen -- and the "Hie", I am not familiar with that, and "Ra" would be Ravensbruck.
Through the report of a camp commander it became known, that 42 of the 51 inmates selected for special treatment 14 of 13 became 'fit to work again' after some time which made their transfer for special treatment unnecessary. This shows that the selection of these inmates is not being effected in compliance with the rules laid down. Only those inmates who correspond to the conditions laid down and, this is the most important thing, who are no longer fit to work, are to be brought before the examining commission.
In order to enable the concentration camps to carry out the tasks they are set, every inmate fit to work is to be put at the disposal of the camp. The camp commanders of the concentration camps are asked to give their special attention to this matter. /s/ Liebehenschel.
And here again we have a document which indicates the true purpose of the euthanasia program, the elimination of these unable to work.
I turn now to Document No.907, on page 45 of the English Document Book, and I offer this as Prosecution Exhibit No.412. This document consists of extracts from certain letters written by Dr. Mennecke to his wife. The first excerpt carries the date line "Bielefeld, 19 February 1941, Hotel Bielefelder Hof."
..... This morning at 8:30 we first went by cars which were put at our disposal from Berlin, to the county leadership of the NSDAP. There we had a meeting of two hours, at which were present: the Party County Leader, the County President Westphalia-South and a Gau representative. Immediately after that we drove to Bethel together with these gentlemen - we were together 22 persons - where a new meeting was held with Pastor Bodelschwingh, the chief-physician Dr. Schorsch and 2 officials from Bethel, very interesting! The few remaining hours of the morning we spent with Dr. Schorsch as our leader, by inspecting the houses which Prof. Heyde and Herr Brack had allotted to each of us individually. I am working together with Dr. Wischer, the chief physician of Waldheim.
I ordered the porter of the Kaiserhof to send off the registered letter, because already at 14:30 we started with our work in Bethel (a car-ride of 20 minutes.) Each group consists of two gentlemen and two ladies working with them.
The next line must contain a faulty translation. I think it should read, "I examined, together with Miss Fischer, altogether 22 female patients.... " "I examined together with Miss Fischer altogether 22 female patients including personal examination from 15:00 till 19:00 h. This is a very quota, which most of the others did not attain....."
It is signed "Your faithful Fritz," Fritz being Dr. Fritz Mennecke, and his letters to his wife. I just want to call your Honors attention to Mennecke's relation to Professor Heyde and Herr Brack, which is the defendant Viktor Brack, when they inspected houses which were allotted to this doctors' commission which was handling patients at the Bethel asylum. I recall one of the documents which has already gone into evidence mentioned this asylum. If I remember correctly it was probably an asylum under the supervision of some religious organization, which I think ultimately succeeded in keeping out these doctors' commissions which were there to select the victims for the extermination.
The next letter carries the date line "Weimer, 25 Nov. 1941, Hotel Elephant." Weimar is right close to the Dachau concentration camp, and you have seen Weimer in the documents before. The letter reads as follows:
At 7 o'clock tomorrow morning we will be awakened, at about 8 o'clock we will have our coffee and then we will drive out in Schmalenbach', car, but he himself will soon depart to Dresden again. On Thursday and Friday a meeting will be held in Pirna within the frame of the action, in which problems of the future will be discussed and in which Schmalenbach will take part as the medical adjutant of Herrn Brack (Jennerwein). J-e-n-n-e-r-w-e-i-n
And if I may say so parenthetically the prosecution suggests the name "Jennerwein" is another name used by the defendant Viktor Brack in the operations of the euthanasia program.
The letter continues:
No experts will be present...... The first working day at Buchenwald is over. At 8:30 h this morning we were out there. At first I introduced myself to the authoritative leaders. The deputy of the camp commander is SS-Hauptsturmfuehrer Florstaedt, camp physician is SS-Obersturmfuehrer Dr. Hofen.
The prosecution contends that Dr. Hofen is the defendant Hoven, and I would like to recall at this time the questions put to the Witness Roemhild, who testified under direct examination that Hoven was the camp physician sometime during the year 1941, and he was pressed to a considerable degree on cross-examination with the question, "wasn't it possible that Hoven wasn't the camp physician until 1942? This letter of Dr. Memmecke, dated 25 November 1941, says Dr. Hoven was the authoritative leader, and that he was the camp physician. The letter continues:
At first another 40 reports of a first portion of aryans had to be completed by filling them out, on which the two other colleagues worked already yesterday. Out of these 40 I worked up about 13. After this whole portion had been worked up, Schmalenberg left, in order to go to Dresden and not to return until our work here is done. Following this, the 'examination' of the patients was carried out, i.e. a presentation of the individuals and a comparison with the entries taken from the files. We did not finish this work until noon, because the other two colleagues worked only theoretically yesterday, so that I had to 're-examine' these, whom Schmalenbach ( and I myself this morning) had prepared and Mueller his persons. At 12 o'clock we stopped for lunch.....
Continuing on the next page:
Afterwards we continued our examination until about 16 o'clock. I myself examined 105 patients, Nueller 78 patients, so that finally a total of 183 reports were ready as a first portion. As second portion a total of 1200 Jews followed, all of whom do not need to be 'examined', but where it is sufficient, to take the reasons for their arrest from the files (often very voluminous!) and to transfer it to the reports. Therefore it is merely a theoretical work, which will certainly keep us busy until next Monday inclusive, perhaps even longer. From this second portion (Jews) we completed to lay; I myself 17, Mueller 15. At 1700 hours sharply we 'we throw away the trowel' and went for supper.
Exactly as the day I described above, the following days will pass -with exactly the same program and with the same work. after the Jews, another 300 Aryans followed as a third portion, who again will have to be 'examined'. Therefore we are busy here until the end of next week. Then on Saturday, the 6 December, we shall go home.....
Mueller goes home from Saturday noon until Monday noon, Koonigslutter near Braunschweig.
This letter tells us what these examinations consisted of; certainly a very complete and thorough medical examination at best. The writer of this letter even put the word "examination" in quotation marks, which he said consisted of a presentation of the individuals and a comparison with the entries taken from the files. If there were no other crimes involved in this Euthanasia program I should think that the conduct of such examinations on the part of the doctors who were selection the people to be exterminated per se, is enough to take this nothing short of murder. It is ridiculous to suppose that these doctors connected any sort of mental examination on the patients that were being selected and I again reiterate that the documents show conclusively that the basis of the selection was inability to perform work. Here we see a reference made to the Jews who were sent from Buchenwald in the summer of 1942 as Reemhild testified, and Mennecke himself looked over these 1200 Jews who the Defendant Hoven had already collected together for him and they, it should be noted, were not even given the cursory type of examination extended to Aryans.
As far as examining the Jews went, the letter states that it is sufficient to take the reasons for their arrest from the files, so it is quite clear that no communication whatsoever was conducted. I move on to the third excerpt which is from Fuerstenberg on Main, 12 January 1942, Hotel Wegert, Monday.
I hope to learn from Professor Nitsche, what exactly our next 'tour' will be. If he really does not know it, I hope to be able to catch Herrn Brack in the Tiergartenstraase in order to ask him with regard to my discussion with Dr. Hefelmann concerning Karl, your scruples are right but I will report it in a way that I will have no disadvantage from Karl's misfortune...
Now I will say goodbye to Dr. Schidlausky -- then I will take a motorcar and ride to the hotel. At 10 o'clock Berlin rang me up; Fraulein Schwab told me that the meeting was postponed, but that they are waiting for me in Berlin tomorrow. All was changed again completely, but she did not know details and said I would hear it tomorrow. And maybe the matter again? It is awful with the 'charade Berlin'...
We can see from this Letter that Dr. Mennecke had made a tour, as he describes it, to the Ravensbruck Concentration Camp because as the Tribunal has heard already, Dr. Schidlausky was the camp doctor at Ravensbruck. And from whom did Mennecke receive his instructions about going to concentration camps? Was it from Heinrich Himmler? Not at all. It was for Professor Nitsche and Herrn Brack, two of the more important people in the operation of the Euthanasia program.
The next letter is dated Berlin, 14 January 1942, Hotel Esplanade.
My beloved mother! That was a typical war-winter railway journey from Fuerstenberg to this place.
Then fellows a rather long description about his trouble with transportation in wartime Germany which I will eliminate and drop to the latter part of this first paragraph on page 47, where he states:
I met Professor Nitsche in the Bellevuestrasse who told me that I was expected, especially Dr. Hefelmann requested to have a talk with we. The meeting was postponed indeed, but we would have a meeting in a small circle. Professor Schneider would come too. Nitsche was in a hurry and so I want on to Tiergartenstrasse. I delivered the reports to Herrn Moumann, but kept the three nice covers and the wrapping paper. Then I called the office, spoke to Frau Meyer and asked when I could come to Dr. Hefelmann. He expected me at 14.30 hours. I did not speak with anybody else yet. At Herrn Moumann I saw the copy of the letter which announces me at Gross Rosen for the 15th to 20th January. Professor Nitsche too said -- in passing so to speak -- that new tasks are waiting for me, but when I asked if I could not go home first, he said: Of course, you can arrange it as you like. Now I will wait for the things to come.
At 21.40 hours Cafe Excelsior. After having written a letter of three pages to Karl and also a copy (enclosed) I am able to continue to inform you, Mummy: Now we will still go to Gr. Rosen. I am allowed to decide it myself and therefore I decide it in this manner. Listen: At 14.30 hour's I entered the Reich Chancellery and the discussion with Dr. Hefelmann during which certain problems had to be reviewed, started immediately. Everything is fine. As the proposed big meeting was not held, we are going to meet tomorrow in Heinze, Dr. Straub and 'your husband'. At 11.30 hours I will go again to the Reich Chancellery. The following problem will be discussed: Promoting the psychiatry of the youth. In this branch Schneider and Hinze have to be regarded as the leading experts of the Riech. I am co-adviser as a man of the practice (with Straub). Straub is country councillor and coordinator of the institution of the province Holstein in Miel and Oberstabsarzt of the Wehrmacht and is the bearer of the party badge in gold. He wants to resign in Kiel and to direct again an institution in southwestern Germany. Eichberg? Oh, no, there will be no other man than your husband. But it is planned to establish a new regional institution for Herr Straub in our vicinity, which will be mainly devoted to the psychiatry of youth.
The work in this newly established or recognized institution will be thoroughly furthered especially by the scientific cooperation and counsel of Schneider and Meinze. According to present plans, Idstehn is taken into consideration. I have to work with my special department for children which should be still further expanded in close cooperation with Schneider, Meinze and. Straub, and the 'elimination' of this new 'psychiatry hospital of youth' will be completed by me. There we have already the project of the future which I have always expected from the special department for children. In addition to very agreeable flattering remarks concerning the perfect organization of my special department for children (he said that this department and that of Hinze are the best ones) Dr. Hefelmann expressed his appreciation for my work and said that this was not only his own opinion but also that of Herrn Brack. Today, as a preparation for the meeting tomorrow we mutually considered how to reorganize the hospital in Idstein. Characteristically not Bernetat but I am called to aid in settling these problems. This is important. It also finds an explanation in the way Dr. Hefelmann spoke about Berne and what he thought of my opinion. I advised against Idstein as first thing today and proposed Scheuern instead. For this proposal various facts seemed deisive. If I have two institutes for idiotic children in the vicinity I would prefer to give the up to new badly managed institute of Scheuern into better hands, instead of interfering with Idstein which in Herrn Mueller has a constant reliable manager.
Now I skip down to the last paragraph on page 48.
At about 17 o'clock I left Dr. H., who, at the end asked me to buy wine for him; I will of course do it. He gave me his home address. After this I went to Tiergartenstrasse, in order to talk with Dr. Nitsche. Dr. H. had already informed me about the complete new changes! which Fraulein Schwab had indicated on the telephone. Since the day before yesterday a large delegation of our action headed by Herrn Brack is on the battlefields of the East to aid in the saving of our wounded soldiers in ice and snow. They include physicians, clerks, Hadamar and Sonnenstein, nurses and male nurses, a while detachment of 20 to 30 persons.
This is a top secret. Only these persons who cannot be spared in the carrying out of the most important tasks of our action, were not included. Professor Hitsche told me about that too and regretted especially that the male and female assistant nurses of our institution Eichberg were taken away so quickly. This is the reason that the great meeting of the 15 January was postponed until the 6 February because until then the relief action in the Last will be finished. The best and sincerest greetings to my beloved, golden mummy, /s/ your faithful Fritz.
Letter No. 4 is dated Heidelberg, 15 June 42:
Just now I finished the thing for Berlin in order to send it registered tonight the photocopy for the Tiergartenstrasse as well as the answer to Herrn Jennerwein,--
which we suggest is the defendant Brack.--
In the latter I wrote to inform me in time about Dr. Hofelmann's visit so that I personally could be present at the conference on the Eichberg. I enclose the copy; please file it into the Berlin letter case. I keep the original. I want to show it to Professor Schneider with whom I discussed it this morning and who was very interested in this "recommencement." He himself has nothing to do with the National Committee. Besides that I started to work right away this morning at 8.30 I was already working. I finished a voluminous exploration until 11 o'clock and dictated it immediately. Then I talked with Professor Schneider about very interesting things of our future cooperation, etc., until 12.15 hours.
I will omit the last paragraph of that letter. I might comment upon the word "recommencement" in this letter of 15 June 42. It appears that there may well have been an interruption in carrying out the Euthanasia Program in the latter part of 1941. This was certainly not a complete cessation because the documents that we have indicate that the exterminations were carried out right on through, but it does appear that as a result of the tremendous indignation which was stirred up among the German people as a result of this Program that considerable pressure was brought to bear to have it stopped, and hence we find this word "recommencement" in the letter of 15 June 42, which may indicate a recommencement of the Euthanasia action at this or that place.
"7 April 1943, Wednesday." There is a short excerpt reading:
The letter of Herrn Blandenburg, the answer on my "report" sent to him about a fortnight ago (not yet the answer of my second letter concerning "certificate") is as follows: Werner Blankenburg, Berlin, l April 1943. Dear Mr. Mennecke.
I was very glad to have received some words from you. I am especially glad that you are well and that you enjoy your work. Everything goes as usual here. We are waiting for the things to come. The Military post office number of Herrn Brack is 46.000, of Dr. Hefelmann (unfortunately left out, error)". /s/ Blankenburg.
Blankenburg, the Tribunal will recall, was an assistant to the Defendant, Viktor Brack, and after Brack left to go into the army or at least left Berlin, Blankenburg took over many of his activities in Berlin. That was in the year 1942, as I recall. The letter continues on Page 50:
Yes, sweetheart, that shows that my connections to Berlin are alive and kept up; that is very important. The military post office number of Dr. Hefelmann was apparently still to be put in, but unfortunately it was left out. Perhaps I will be able to learn it from Herrn Brack to whom I shall write soon.
The next excerpt I shall not read at this time. We come now to Document NO-1007 on Page 51 of the document book, and this will be Prosecution Exhibit 413. This is a letter again from the WVHA, Division D which was in control of concentration Camps. Stamp: Top Secret. To the Camp Commanders of the Concentration Camps." and then there the list of camps: "Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald, Mauthausen, Flossenburg, Neuengamme, Auschwitz, Gorss-Rosen, Natzweiler, Stutthof, Ravensbruck, Ri." -
I don't know, -- "Lublin and Bergen-Belsen." Ri. and Herz. I don't recall at the moment.
The Reichsfuehrer-SS and Chief of the German Police upon demonstration has decreed that in the future only insane prisoners can be selected for the action 14 f 13 by the medical commissions appointed for this purpose.
All other prisoners unfit for work (persons suffering from tuberculosis, bedridden invalids, etc.,) are absolutely to be excluded from this action. Bed-ridden prisoners are to be given suitable work which can also be done in bed.
The order of the Reichsfuehrer-SS must be strictly observed in the future.
The requests for gasoline for this purpose will, therefore, be discontinued. /s/ Glucks.
This document indicates that prior to this date of 27 April 1943 that the Euthanasia Program encompassed the execution not only of insane persons, but persons suffering from tuberculosis, bed-ridden individuals, etc because this document states that in the future only insane persons can be selected, and all other prisoners, even though they be unfit for manual work, are to be put to work with something they can do in bed. This again indicates the Euthanasia Program cannot be justified on any ground of Eugenics or medical considerations.
Defense Counsel for the Defendant, Karl Brandt, points out that I did not read the excerpt from the letter written by Dr. Mennecke -- it is on Page 50, August 14, 1944 -- in which the name of Professor Brandt is mentioned. It is not evident on the face of the letter what the meaning of it is; consequently, I have not read it into the record. It is, of course, part of the Exhibit and is in the record, but I have made no point of it because there is nothing on the face of the document which indicates that it had anything necessarily to do with the matter under consideration.
I think at this point, if the Tribunal please, we will ask that the witness, Olga Eyer, be brought to the stand to testify. She, of course, will not testify concerning Euthanasia. The Tribunal will recall that the affidavit taken from Olga Eyer was admitted several weeks ago in connection with the activities of Dr. Hagen of Strassbourg upon the condition that we make an effort to bring Miss Eyer here, so I think that it might do just as well to put her on new, and then she well be able to return to Strasbourg probably tomorrow.
THE PRESIDENT: Prior to the securing of the witness, the Tribunal will recess.
(Recess)