1946-12-16, #4: Doctors' Trial (late afternoon)
Prosecution: sterilization experiments. Witness and survivor Chaim Balitzki testifies.
THE MARSHAL: The Tribunal is again in session.
MR. McHANEY: If the Tribunal, please, we had reached Document NO-042, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 155. This is a letter dated 7 September 1942 from Oswald Pohl to Gerland, and is also in response to a copy of the letter which originally went to Himmler and which is our Prosecution Exhibit 153.
Dear Comrade Gerland, I received today a copy of the letter of 29 August 1942 of the Personal Staff to your regarding caladium.
I can inform you that at my suggestion the Reich leader SS took up this problem many months ago. Since that time we have been co-operating intensely with Dr. Madaus in Dresden-Radebeul, to whom the Reich Leader gave the exact order to continue the experiments with caladium as a special order and to abstain from any publication until the conclusion of these experiments and the exact results are on hand.
I myself have personally instituted the negotiations with the director of the Biological Institute Madaus, Mr. Koch, and also supervise the experiments personally, together with the physician of Main Department, SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Lolling.
Only last Tuesday I was with him personally in Radebeul, where we have informed ourselves of the state of the experiments.
I believe that the matter is continuing well, from your point of view also. If you are interested I shall inform you from time to time. Heil Hitler. Yours, Pohl
-- with a copy to the defendant Rudolf Brandt and a copy to Grawitz.
This letter was in reference to Prosecution Exhibit 154 rather than Prosecution Exhibit 153 as I previously stated.
The next document will be NO-041 which is Prosecution Exhibit 156. This is a letter from Oswald Pohl to the defendant Rudolf Brandt, dated 7 September 1942.
My dear Brandt: I hasten to transmit to you a copy of my letter to the Deputy Gauleiter in Niederdonau, SS-Oberfuehrer K. Gerland.
Please inform the Reich Leader of SS troops that I personally went to Radebeul last Tuesday to be convinced of the state of affairs. The matter is running smoothly. I have new interested SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Lolling. We have agreed with Madaus to transfer the experiments to our concentration camp as soon as possible. I have sent a copy of this letter to the Reich doctor SS and police SS-Gruppenfuehrer Professor Dr. Grawitz. With best regards, Heil Hitler, Yours Pohl.
The next exhibit will be Document NO-043, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 157. This is a letter again from Gerland to the defendant Rudolf Brandt, dated 14 October 1942.
Dear Comrade Brandt: SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl has informed me that the doctor of his Main Office is already collaboration with the Madaus Biological Institute for research on the effects of caladium seguinum, so that the suggestion of my District Main Office Leader, Dr. Fehringer, becomes obsolete. I have today suggested to the Obergruppenfuehrer, that Dr. Fehringer be allowed to try to produce a synthetic caladium seguinum in collaboration with an important Vienna, biologist.
Unfortunately, I must give a negative reply to your question as to whether Dr. Fehringer has the plant in question available. He considers the procurement of caladium seguinum possible by chemical means.
It is also conceivable that one or another of the hot-houses which are located in our climatically preferable district could be used for experimental purposes in order to be able to cultivate the plants at least to a sufficient extent for experimental purposes.
I should be grateful if I could obtain the opinion of the Reich Leader in this matter and suggest that Dr. Fehringer collaborate with SS-Obersturmbannfuehrer Dr. Lolling. Heilt Hitler, Yours. K. Gerland.
The next document is NO-048. It is a letter from the defendant Rudolf Brandt to SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl, dated 25 October 1942.
Dear Obergruppenfuehrer, I am sending you the copy of a letter of SS Oberfuehrer Gerland and a carbon copy of my answer.
I could not ask the Reichsfuehrer SS but am convinced that he will certainly welcome the experiments to produce caladium seguinum synthetically.
I would be grateful to you if you see to it that SS-Obersturmbannfurhrer Dr. Lolling contacts Dr. Fehringer in this matter.
Document NO-049 which will be prosecution Exhibit 160 -- yes, 159. It is a letter signed by Rudolf Brandt to Gerland, and it is the one undoubtedly referred to in Rudolf Brandt's letter to Pohl. It is dated the 25 October 1942.
Dear Oberfuehrer, The Reichsfuehrer SS is at present away on official business. Therefore I cannot inform him of the contents of your letter which you wrote on 14 October 1942, I know however that he would agree to a collaboration of Dr. Fehringer with SS Obersturnbannfuehrer Mr. Lolling.
I have forwarded a copy of your letter to SS Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl with the request to act accordingly. You will certainly obtain a reply from his office within the next few days. Signed Rudolf Brandt.
This completes the documents on the medicinal sterilization phase of the case. The Tribunal will find that in the affidavit of the defendant Rudolf Brandt, which is Prosecution Exhibit 141, he states that experiments on concentration camp inmates were actually carried out with Caladium seguinum. The Prosecution very frankly concedes that it has no proof that this drug was effective in sterilizing people. We have found no one who was actually sterilized with it. I submit that it is without question a crime in any event. I very earnestly hope that the drug did not produce a permanent sterilization, and we can all be happy that if it did they were not able apparently to produce the plant from which the obtained this drug on a very large scale.
I turn now to the documents dealing with X-ray sterilization. The first of which is a rather long affidavit by the defendant Viktor Brack, and that is Document NO-426.
DR. SERVATIUS (Counsel for defendant Karl Brandt): Mr. President, I object to the reading of this document. According to the Golden Rule of evidence, only the best evidence can be brought here.
Here the witness is a defendant in the courtroom himself. The statement which he has made has been established of lesser value. For my client I have considered objections against this document. I could not cross examine the witness if the document is read now and later examination if the defendant Brack, if he should come to the witness stand, would not wipe out the impression which this document will make on the Court now. For that reason, I object.
MR. McHANEY: If the Tribunal please, the document which we had just come to deals with the question of Euthanasia as well as X-ray sterilization. It was my plan to read this affidavit in full because I think that is necessary in order to understand the part on X-ray sterilization.
As to the objection, as to its admissibility at this time, it seems to me quite clear that this affidavit made by a defendant is admissible on any one of a number of grounds. We certainly admitted into the record already a substantial number of affidavits by various defendants in the deck, which, of course, not only contained admissions against that particular defendant, but also against, perhaps, some of his co-workers. As to the right of cross examination, I cannot say -- Brack is a defendant here and he may take the stand, and I certainly assume that the counsel for Karl Brandt can call him as a witness and cross examine him as to the matters here stated; and I assume that he may do so at the conclusion of the reading of this affidavit if he so desires. However, I do not think that it is incumbent upon the Prosecution if they wish to introduce a statement made by a defendant which contains admissions against him primarily, they don't have to call him to the stand to do so. I submit that the document should be admitted now.
THE PRESIDENT: The objection to the admission of the document at this time is overruled.
MR. McHANEY: This document NO-426 will be Prosecution Exhibit 160.
I, Viktor Hermann Brack, being duly sworn, depose and state:
1. I was born in Haaren, Germany, on November 9, 1904 and studied Economic Science from 1923 until 1928. In December 1939 I joined the NSDAP and at the same time the SS. My party number is 173388 and my SS number is 1940. In the summer of 1932, Phillip Bouhler, then Reich Manager of the NSDAP, appointed me to the "Brown House" in Munich. In 1934, when Reichsleiter Bouhler was appointed Chief of the Chancellery of the Fuehrer of the NSDAP, I was appointed his Chief of Staff and later, in 1936, Chief of Department II of this office, located in Berlin. In accordance with my position, I held the title of Reichsamtsleiter. Eventually, I received the rank of Oberdienstleiter. In this capacity, my duties were of an administrative nature as personal representative to Bouhler as far as Department II was concerned.
2. By reason of this position and because of my personal contact with Bouhler, I obtained ample knowledge of the details of many of the activities in which Bouhler and various other high ranking personalities participated. From time to time, I had discussions with Bouhler and other persons participating in activities with which this office was concerned. In my position I was able to read a vast amount of correspondence addressed to Bouhler, received orders from him, and in numerous instances I personally handled, on my own initiative, various details of the particular matters involved.
3. Due to my position, I gained complete knowledge of the Euthanasia Program (Mercy Killing Program). Therefore, I am able to make the following statement on this subject.
THE EUTHANASIA PROGRAM.
4. The Euthanasia Program was initiated in the summer of 1939. Hitler issued a secret order to Professor Dr. Karl Brandt, Reich Commissioner for Medical and Health Matters, and at that time personal physician to the Fuehrer, and to Phillip Bouhler, charging them with responsibility for the killing of human beings who were not able to live, that is, the according of a mercy death to incurably insane persons.
Prior to the issuance of this secret order, Bouhler had a conference with Dr. Brandt and Dr. Leonardo Conti, the Reich Chief for Public Health and Secretary of State in the Ministry of Interior. On the basis of this order of Hitler, Bouhler and Brandt were to select doctors to carry out this program. Inasmuch as the insane asylums and other institutions were functions of the Ministry of Interior, Dr. Herbert Linden became the representative of the Ministry of Interior. Dr. Karl Brandt and Phillip Bouhler appointed Professor Dr. Heyde and Professor Dr. Nietsche along with several other medical men to aid in the execution of this Euthanasia Program.
5. Professor Dr. Karl Brandt was in charge of the medical section of the Euthanasia Program. In this capacity, as shown in the chart I have drawn dated 12 September 1946, Dr. Karl Brandt appointed as his deputies Professor Heyde and Professor Nietsche. In charge of the administrative office under Brandt was first Mr. Bohne and later Mr. Allers. Three different names were used by Brandt's section in order to disguise the activities of the organization. The names of the organization were as follows:
Reich Association,- Hospital and Nursing Establishments Charitable Foundation for Institutional Care General Patient Transport Corporation 6. In the early stages of this program, Dr. Karl Brandt visited Phillip Bouhler and discussed with him many details of this program.
As a matter of fact, after such meetings between Brandt and Bouhler, I received many orders, more often from Bouhler than from Brandt directly.
7. In my capacity as Chief of Office II of Bouhler's Chancellery, I was ordered to carry out the administrative details of the Euthanasia Program. My deputy was Werner Blankenburg, who eventually became my successor, that is, in the beginning of 1942 when I joined the Waffen-SS Von Hegener, Reinh. Vorberg, and Dr. Hevelmann were members of my staff.
8. In the Ministry of Interior, Dr. Linden was in charge of the Euthanasia Program and his deputy was Councillor Franke.
The Department for Public Health of the Ministry of Interior had authority over all insane asylums of the Reich, and in this position, my department as well as the office of Dr. Brandt had close liaison in order to efficiently operate this Euthanasia Program.
THE PROCEDURE 9. By order of Dr. Linden, the directors of all insane asylums in the Reich had to fill out questionnaires for each patient within their institutions.
These questionnaires were drafted by Bouhler, Heyde, Nietsche and others in several of their many conferences. Then the questionnaires were forwarded to the Ministry of Interior to be distributed to the various insane asylums and similar institutions. Theoretically Dr. Linden's office had the questionnaires returned and then forwarded them to the administrative section of the office of Dr. Brandt.
The program was --
I am sorry, Your Honors, there are about two or three words there that I can't read.
-- the photostats of each questionnaires were to be sent to the office of Dr. Brandt to determine the status of each patient. The panel of experts consisted of about 10 to 15 doctors. I do not remember the names of all the members of this panel but Dr. Pfannmueller, Dr. Schumann, Dr. Faltlhauser, and Dr. Rennaux are fresh in my memory in this connection. Each of these experts indicate by making a certain comment on the questionnaire whether or not the patient could be transferred to an observation institution and eventually killed. Then the questionnaire was forwarded to a chief expert. According to the regulation, the chief expert was only entitled to order the transfer of the patient when all four experts vested for the transfer. This chief expert also marked the questionnaire, and then submitted it to Dr. Linden who ordered the insane asylum to transfer the patient to one of the observation institutions. Off-hand I can remember, among others, the names of the following observation institutions: Eglfing-Haar, Kempten, Jena, Buch, Arnsberg.
10. At these institutions the patients were under the observation of the doctor in charge for a period of from one to three months. The physician had the right to exempt the patient from the program if he decided that the patient was not incurable. If he agreed with the opinion of the chief expert, the patient was transferred to a so-called Euthanasia Institution. I can recall the names of these Euthanasia Institutions; Grafeneck, under Dr. Schumann; Brandenburg, under Dr. Hennecke; Hartheim, under Dr. Rennaux; Sommenstein, under Dr. Schmalenbach; Hadamar -- I do not remember under whose leadership -- Bernburg, under Dr. Behnke or Dr. Becker.
In these institutions the patient was killed by means of gas by the doctor in charge. To the best of my knowledge, about fifty to sixty thousand persons were killed in this way in the period from autumn 1939 to the summer of 1941.
11. The order issued by the Fuehrer to Brandt and Bouhler was secret and never published. The Euthanasia Program itself was kept as secret as possible, and for this reason relatives of persons killed in the course of the program were never told the real cause of death. The death certificates issued to the relatives carried fictitious causes of death such as heart failure. All persons subject to the Euthanasia Program did not have an opportunity to decide whether they wanted a mercy death, nor their relatives contacted for approval or disapproval. The decision was purely within the discretion of the doctors. The program was not restricted to those cases in which the person was 'in extremis'.
12. Hitler's ultimate reason for the establishment of the Euthanasia Program in Germany was to eliminate these people confined to insane asylums and similar institutions who could no longer be of any use to the Reich. They were considered useless eaters and Hitler felt that by exterminating those so-called useless eaters, it would be possible to relieve more doctors, male and female nurses, and other personnel, hospital beds and other facilities for the use of the Armed Forces.
REICH COMMITTEE FOR RESEARCH ON HEREDITARY DISEASES AND CONSTITUTIONAL SUSCEPTIBILITY TO SEVERE DISEASES.
13. This committee, which was also a function of the Euthanasia Program, was an organization for the killing of children who were born mental deficient or bodily deformed. All physicians assiting at births, midwives, and maternity hospitals were ordered by the Ministry of Interior to report such cases to the office of Dr. Linden in the Ministry of Interior. Then experts in the medical section of Dr. Brandt's office were ordered to give their opinions in each case. As a matter of fact, the complete file on each case was sent to the offices of Bouhler and Dr. Brandt in order to obtain their opinions and to decide the fate of each child involved. In many cases these children were to be operated upon in such a manner that the result was either complete recovery or death. Death resulted in a majority of these cases. The program was inaugurated in the summer of 1939. Bouhler told me that Dr. Linden had the order to ask for the consent of the parents of each child concerned. I do not know how long this program continued since I joined the Waffen-SS in 1942.
THE CONNECTION BETWEEN THE EUTHANASIA PROGRAM AND SS BRIGADEFUEHRER GLOBOCNIC.
14. In 1941, I received an oral order to discontinue the Euthanasia Program. I received this order either from Bouhler or from Dr. Brandt. In order to preserve the personnel relieved of these duties and to have the opportunity of starting a new Euthanasia Program after the war, Bouhler reques ted I think after a conference with Himmler, that I send this personnel to Lublin and put it at the disposal of SS Brigadefuehrer Globocnik. I then had the impression that these people were to be used in the extensive Jewish labor camps run by Globocnik. Later, however, at the end of 1942 or the beginning of 1943, I found out that they were used to assist in the mass extermination of the Jews, which was then already common knowledge in higher party circles.
15. Among the doctors who assisted in the Jewish extermination program were Eberle and Schumann. Schumann performed medical experiments on prisoner in Auschwitz.
It would have been impossible for these men to participate in such things without the personal knowledge and consent of Karl Brandt. The order to sent these men to the East could have been given only by Himmler to Brandt, possibly through Bouhler.
THE STERILIZATION PROGRAM 16.
In 1941, it was an 'open secret' in high party circles that the powers that be intended to experminate the entire Jewish population of Germany and the occupied countries. I and my collaborators, especially Dr. Hevelmann and Blankenburg, considered this intention of the party leaders not worthy of the German nation and mankind in general. Therefore, we decided to find another solution to the Jewish problem which would tend to be le** radical than complete extermination of a race. We developed the idea to depo all Jews to a far-off place and I can recall that Dr. Hevelmann suggested the island of Madagascar for this purpose. In my office, we drafted such a plan and submitted it to Bouhler. Obviously, this plan was not acceptable, so we reached the conclusion that sterilization would be the answer to the Jewish problem. Since sterilization would be a complex program, we thought of sterilization by means of X-Rays. In 1941, I proposed the sterilization of Jews by means of X-Rays to Bouhler, but it was not accepted. Bouhler told me that such a problem of sterilization by means of X-Rays would not be feasible as Hitler was against it. I continued to work on this problem and eventually submitted a new project to the Reichfuehrer SS, Heinrich Himmler. Dr. Hevelmann submitted a report which indicated that the sterilization of human beings by means of X-Rays was medically impossible. Several months later Dr. Schumann received the order to carry out experiments on human beings to determine the effects of X-Rays for sterilization purposes. Himmler requested that the name of a suitable doctor should be given to him to carry out these experiments. I do not think that I suggested Dr. Schumann, who was expert in the Euthanasia Program and Director of a Euthanasia Institution, to Himmler As far as I remember, Dr. Schumann submitted a report on his experiments to me or directly to Bouhler. I do not know whether the sterilization of the Jews was actually carried out because, as I said before, I joined the Waffen SS and had no further dealings with this matter.
/s/, Viktor Brack, Nurnberg, 14 October 1946.
The reason I have read this affidavit in full at this time is because it gives the Court an idea how the Euthanasia Program fitted in with the extermination of the Jews as well as the sterilization of the Jews and other so-called enemies of the Reich. This affidavit makes it very clear that the men who were trained over the period 1939 to 1941 in the extermination institutions here in Germany on insane persons were transferred than to the East and worked in collaboration with Globocnic and others in the extermination of the Jews there; and we also find that a prominent member of the Euthanasia Program, Dr. Schumann, was active with X-Ray sterilization in the concentrate camp at Auschwitz. We, of course, will have occasion to refer back to this document when we come to that portion of the case dealing in detail with the Euthanasia Program.
MR. McHANEY: We turn now to Document No.203 and which will be Prosecution Exhibit 161. This is a letter from the defendant Brack to the Reichfuehrer. It's dated 28 March 1941.
Dear Reichsfuehrer:
Enclosed herewith for your information is the result of the investigations into the possibility of sterilization or castration respec ively by means of X-rays. I request your instructions as to what further theoretical or practical steps, if any, are to be taken in this matter.
Heil HITLER!
/s/ BRACK
MR. McHANEY: On the next page of the English Document Book we find the report referred to in the cover letter. This is part of the same document and is, of course, part of Exhibit 161.
Report on Experiments concerning X-ray Castration
The experiments in this field are concluded. The following result can be considered as established and adequately based on scientific research.
If any persons are to be sterilized permanently, this result can only be attained by applying X-rays in a dosage high enough to produce castration with all its consequences, since high X-ray dosage destroy the internal secretion of the ovary, or of the testicles respectively. Lower dosages would only temporarily paralyce the procreative capacity. The consequences in question are for example the disappearance of menstruation, climatoric phenomena, changes in the capillary growth, modification of metabolism, etc. In any case, attention must be drawn to these disadvantages.
The actual dosage can be given in various ways, and the irradi ation can take place quite imperceptibly. The necessary local dosage for men is tpp to 600 r, for women 300 to 350 r. In general, an irradiation period of 2 minutes for men, 3 minutes for women, with the highest voltage, a thin filter and at a short distance, ought to be sufficient. There is however, a disadvantage that has to be put up w*** as it is impossible unnoticeably to cover the rest of the body with lead, the other tissues of the body will be injured, and radiologic malaise, the so-called "Roentgenkator", will ensue.
If the X-ray intensity is too high, those parts of the skin which the rays have reached will exhibit symptoms of burns - varying in severity in individual cases - in the course of the following days or weeks.
One practical way of proceeding would be, for instance, to be the persons to be treated approach a counter, where they would be asked to answer some questions or to fill in forms, which would take them 2 or 3 minutes. The official sitting behind the counter could operate the installation in such a way as to turn a switch which would activate the two valves simultaneously, since the irradiation has to operate from both sides. With a two-valve installation about 150 to 200 persons could then be sterilized per day, and therefore, with 20 such installations as many as 3000 to 4000 persons per day. In my estimation a larger daily number could not in any case be sent away for this purpose. As to the expenses for such a two-valve system I can only give a rough estimate of approximately 20,000-30,000 RM. Additionally, however, there would be the cost of the construction of a new building, because adequately extensive protective installations would have to be provided for the officials on duty.
In summary it may be said that, having regard to the present state of radiological technique and research, mass sterilizations by means of X-rays can be carried out without difficulty. However, it seems to be impossible to do this in such a way that the persons con cerned do not sooner or later realize with certainty that they have been sterilized or castrated by X-rays.
/s/ Brack
MR. McHANEY: I think this document is so clear and complete that any comment by me would be entirely out of place. We turn now Document NO-204 which will be Prosecution Exhibit 162. This is a letter from the personal staff of Himmler to Victor Brack and this is dated 31 December 1941--no, I am sorry, your Honor, that's dated 12 May 1941.
There's some handwritten figures on the top which referred to a later date. However, the date of the letter is 12 May 1941 and it is addressed to the defendant Viktor Brack.
A little while before his departure to Greece by plane the Reichsfuehrer-SS gave me the order to thank you very much for your report about the X-ray castration experiments forwarded to us with your letter of 28 March 1941. He has read the report with interest and will discuss this question with you at the first opportunity.
MR. McHANEY: A copy was sent to the Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service SS Major-General Heydrich. The next document will be NO-205 and will be Prosecution Exhibit 163. It's again from the defendand Viktor Brack to the Reichsfuehrer dated 23 May 1942.
Dear Reichsfuehrer,
On the instructions of Reich-Leader Bouhler I placed some of my men already some time ago - at the disposal of Brigadefuehrer GLOBOCNIK to execute his special-mission.
On his renewed request I now transferred additional personnel. On this occasion Brigadefuehrer GLOBOCNIK stated his opinion that the whole Jew-action should be completed as quickly as possible so that one would not get caught in the middle of it one day if some difficulties should make a stoppage of the action necessary. You yourself, Reichsfuehrer, have already expressed your view, that work should progress quickly for reasons of camouflage alone. Both points which in priciple arrive at the same result are more than justified as far as my own experience goes; nevertheless would you kindly allow me to submit the following argument:
Among the Millions of Jews, in Europe are, I figure, at least 2-3 Millions of men and women, who are fit enough for work. Considering the extraordinary difficulties, the labor problem presents us with I hold the view that these 2-3 millions should be specially selected and preserved. This can however only be done, if at the same time they are rendered incapable to propagate. About a year ago I reported to you that agents of mine have completed the experiments necessary for this purpose. I would like to recall those facts once more.
Sterilization as normally performed on persons of heriditary diseased, is here out of the question, because it takes too long and is to expensive. Castration by x-rays however is not only relatively cheap, but can also be performed on many thousands in the shortest time. I think, that at this time it is already irrelevant whether the people in question become aware of having been castrated after some weeks or months once they feel the effects.
Should you, Reichsfuehrer, decide to choose this way in the interest of the preservation of labor, then Reichsleiter BOUHLER would be prepared to place all physicians and other personnel needed for this work at your disposal. Likewise he requested me to inform you, that then I would have to order the apparatus so urgently needed with the greatest speed.
Heil HITLER!
Yours /s/ Viktor BRACK
MR. McHANEY: Your Honors will recall that I stated that we are not here concerned with sterilization carried out on persons pursuant to the German statute dealing with hereditary diseases and the same statement is made in this letter in June 1942 by the defendant Brack. It says: "Sterilization, as normally performed on persons with hereditary diseases is here out of the question because it takes too long." They were not using sterilization here as a way to eliminate hereditary diseases. They were using sterilization to commit the crime of genocide.
The next document will be NO-206, which is Prosecution Exhibit 164. This is a letter from Heinrich Himmler, dated 11 August 1942, to "Dear Brack":
It is only today that I have the opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 23 June. I am positively interested in seeing that the sterilization by X-rays is tried out at least once in one camp in a series of experiments.
I will be very much obliged to the Reichleader Bouhler if, to begin with, he would place the expert physicians for the series of experiments at our disposal.
I will mail a copy of this letter to the Reich Physician SS and to the competent Chief of the Main Office for Concentration Camps.
Heil Hitler!
Yours /s/ H. Himmler
A copy to Pohl and a copy to Grawitz "For information."
By order and the familiar initians B.R., being the defendant Rudolf Brandt.
Now we turn to Document NO-207 which will be Prosecution Exhibit 165. This letter is dated 14 August 1942 and it is from Blankenburg who, your Honors will recall, was mentioned in the Brack Affidavit as his deputy and it is written to:
Dear Reichsfuehrer:
By order of Senior Colonel Brack, who in the meantime has been transferred to the SS-Division Prinz Eugen, I acknowledge receipt of your letter of 11 August 1942 concerning sterilizations. As permanent deputy of Oberfuehrer Brack, I shall immediately take the necessary measures and get in touch with the Chief of the Main Offices for the Concentration Camps.
Heil Hitler!
Yours very respectfully /s/ Blankenburg.
The next document is NO-208 which will be Prosecution Exhibit 166. This is another letter from Blankenburg, dated 29 April 1944, to his "Dear Reichsfuehrer:"
By order of Reich Leader Bouhler I submit to you as an enclosure a work of Dr. Horst Schumann on the influence of X-rays on human genital glands.
Previously you have asked Senior Colonel Brack to perform this work, and you supported it by providing the adequate material in the Concentration Camp Auschwitz. I point especially to the second part of this work, which shows that by those means a castration of males is almost impossible or requires an effort which does not pay. As I have convinced myself, the operative castration requires not more than 6 to 7 minutes, and therefore can be performed more reliably and quicker than the castration by X-rays.
Soon I shall be able to submit a continuation of this work to you.
Heil Hitler!
Your much devoted Blankenburg.
And attached --
-- I thought we had the report but apparently we don't. But at this time I would ask the Tribunal to call to the stand the witness, Chaim Balitzki. We have only this morning at about 9:30 put in the defendants' information center the required notice of the calling of this witness. If there is any objection or any showing of inconvenience on the part of the Defense Counsel why, of course, we will postpone his examination until tomorrow morning. However, if there is no such objection it would fit in better into the record at this point, I think.
THE PRESIDENT: Is there any objection on the part of the Defense Counsel to calling the witness, Chiam Balitzki, at this time?
I hear none. The witness will be called.
CHAIM BALITZKI, a witness, took the stand and testified as follows:
BY THE PRESIDENT:
Q: Is your name Chaim Balitzki?
A: Yes.
Q: I will administer the oath. Hold up your right hand and repeat after me:
I swear that the evidence I shall give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help me God.
A: I swear that I will tell the truth and the full truth, so help me God.
THE PRESIDENT: Sit down.
DIRECT EXAMINATION BY MR. McHANEY:
Q: Your name is Chaim Balitzki?
A: Yes.
Q: When and where were you born?
A: Dzialoszyci, Poland, 28 February 1920.
Q: You are a citizen of Poland?
A: Yes.
Q: Are you Jewish?
A: Yes.
Q: What is your present address?
A: Constance on Lake Constance.
Q: What is the street number there in case --
A: Schaeferstrasse, 20.
Q: Will you give the Tribunal a short statement of your life history?
A: Yes. Should I answer questions or shall I tell the story myself?
Q: Just go on and tell a short story of your life history in your own words.
A: Yes. First, I should like to ask the Court that my name should not be given to the press and no pictures to the press. I volunteered as a witness. That is the first thing, and now I will tell my life.
My parents had a store at Dombrova. I attended the Hebrew school and high school. In 1939 the Germans came and we had to do forced labor. I worked in a concern in Bedzin in a laundry shop. Later, I was put in a ghetto and the 1st of August 1943 there was a transfer, a resettlement and I was sent to Auschwitz. In 1942 my parents were resettled together with my younger brother. They are no longer living. My two sisters were also put into labor camps and they are living. They are with me.
I arrived in Auschwitz. I was there in quarantine for four weeks. After the quarantine, I was put in Camp B to work for road building. I was in Camp B four weeks. Then the block secretary told us that twenty men, aged twenty to twenty-four healthy people, had to report for work. I didn't report. I was a little suspicious because they said "twenty to twenty-four years old". They were taken away. Later they came back. No one knew what had happened to them. They didn't want to tell about it. They were afraid. They had to go back to work immediately. A few days later, they did not call for volunteers but, according to the alphabet, they took people -a group of twenty men a piece. Because my name starts with "B" I was one of the first. We were taken to the women's camp at Birkenau. We waited about an hour or two hours. A Luftwaffe officer came -- a tall man -- on a motorcycle. He took us to a machine and sterilized us. It took about fifteen or twenty minutes. That hurt, and afterwards we had to put our clothes on and go right back to work. We had to work very hard. Some of us after two or three days --- a pus began to form. They had to work anyhow until they fell down and then were taken to a hospital and I do not believe any of them are alive now.
After two weeks after the sterilization a group of my comrades and I were taken on foot -- we had to walk to Auschwitz 1, and we were given an injection and put on the operation table. We were told nothing. We were ordered to get on the table. The operation was performed. My testicles were removed.
Q: Witness, do not be afraid.
A: Please excuse me for crying.
I was there three weeks in the Auschwitz hospital. Then there was a selection and 60% of our lot were taken to be gassed. Afterwards I was afraid and I left the hospital when I was still sick and went back to work. I was put to work. I had to work very hard and I was beaten very much. I went through a bombing and I was lucky I got through it. Afterwards, I was there until the 18th of January 1945.
On the 18th of January 1945, the Russians were to arrive. We had to evacuate. We went oh foot -- a group of four thousand people. A few thousand were shot on the way. Whoever could not keep up was shot. We were chased, we were beaten. We had to carry the guards' baggage although we were very weak and we came to Gross-Rosen. From there were evacuated again to Dachau. In Dachau I arrived on the 28th of February 1945. I was there four weeks. We were put in a block -- Block 19. On one side was Block 17 and on the other side, 21. There were sick people there -- French, Poles and Russians -- they had typhoid fever. We were put in between so we would get sick too but that had no effect and, after four weeks, we were put in Waldlager near Ampfing. That is about 60 kilometers from Dachau and we were put to work there. We were in the woods; there were no barracks. There were big ditches with a wooden roof on top. That is where we slept all winter. We were very cold. Three men had a torn blanket. I had very little to eat. I had to work very hard. We had to carry bags of cement to the construction site. We had to run; we were beaten very much. Every day a full car load of dead people were taken back from the camp.
Q: Witness, I will ask you a few questions now which I will want you to answer.
A: Please. Go ahead.
Q: This first time that you were sterilized was in October, 1943?
A: August, September -- that is right.
Q: And that was done by means of an X-ray machine?
A: That was done by rays. I do not know what kind of rays. I am not a doctor -- I only say what I know. A Luftwaffe officer - a tall man -- did that. That is what I saw. I don't know what kind of rays they were.
Q: Did they protect your thighs with any sort of lead sheeting or other material?
A: Yes, plates. Two plates were put between the legs.
Q: In spite of this protecting material did you receive burns on your thighs? 542
A: Yes, I am still burned today. You can still see it today.
Q: And then, as I understand your testimony, approximately two weeks later you had your testicles removed?
A: Yes.
Q: Do you know why that was done?
A: No. Because I am a Jew -- I know that much.
Q: Do you know any of the doctors or other people in the camp who did these things to you?
A: No, but I asked at Auschwitz: "Who does these things?" I heard of name. The name of Dr. Schumann and I remembered that name and I remember it until today but I do not know that person myself.
Q: How many other boys were subjected to these rays with you the first time?
A: Operated on with me were twenty people, but transports were arrive all the time -- every few days, every few weeks. Many transports arrived.
Q: Did they tattoo a number on your forearm while you were in the ca**
A: Yes. I have a number 132266.
Q: Will you show that to the Tribunal, please?
A: Yes. (Indicating tattoo to Tribunal)
Q: Do you know whether or not any of the other boys who were sterilized with you died as a result of the sterilization?
A: From the sterilization, no. But later many were gassed. Very few are still alive.
Q: Did you have pictures made of you when you were here in Nurnberg several weeks ago?
A: When? In Nurnberg? Yes.
Q: I will show to the witness pictures which are documents NO-819 and I ask you if these are pictures made of you in Nurnberg six weeks ago?
A: Yes.
MR. McHANEY: If the Tribunal please, I offer these pictures as Prosecution Exhibit 167.
JUDGE SEBRING: I would suggest, Mr. McHaney, that they be offered as 167-A, B, C, D, and E if you are offering all of them.
MR. McHANEY: You are quite correct, your Honor; I shall.
BY MR. McHANEY:
Q: Witness, you state you are now living in Konstance?
A: Yes.
Q: Are you living there with your sisters?
A: Yes; my sisters are in Konstance in a community home. They are with me.
Q: Do they know of your condition?
A: No.
Q: And that is the reason you asked the Tribunal not to permit the publishing of your name or pictures of your?
A: Yes, that is the reason. The reason is that I have many friends a I am very much ashamed. I asked once more that my name not be published in any way.
MR. McHANEY: I have no further questions -- if the defense has no question to ask.
THE PRESIDENT: It is the order of the Tribunal that no photographs of this witness be taken and published and no reference to his testimony be published by either the members of the press or anyone else. Do any of the defense counsel desire to cross-examine this witness? If not the Court will recess until nine-thirty tomorrow morning. I want to make an announcement before we recess. In the morning the Tribunal will announce the ruling on the witness Neff whether he should be falled and the matter will be discussed by the Tribunal this evening.
THE MARSHAL: The Tribunal will recess until nine-thirty in the morning.
(The Tribunal adjourned until 0930 hours, 17 December 1946)