1946-12-16, #3: Doctors' Trial (early afternoon)

Prosecution: sterilization experiments

AFTERNOON SESSION (The hearing reconvened at 1330 hours, 16 December 1946)

THE MARSHAL: The Tribunal is again in session.

MR. McHANEY: If the Tribunal please, we were discussing, before the luncheon recess, the admission of documents Nos. NO-910, 911 and 912. I am prepared now to submit, for the inspection of the Tribunal, the files sent us by the police in Vienna, and I have marked in these files the places at which the original affidavits appear. If these affidavits can be admitted provisionally at this time, the Prosecution will endeavor to secure, from the Chief of Police or the official in charge of the Vienna police, an affidavit giving the circumstances under which these statements were obtained.

THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will examine the files you have just passed up.

The Tribunal is of the opinion that these documents may be received in evidence subject to some later proof of the authenticity of the documents be exhibit of proof from some official in Vienna. In view of that ruling, does any of the Defense Counsel desire to be heard in regard to the provisional admission of these documents?

DR. FRITZ SAUTER (Counsel for defendant Ruff): If it please the Tribunal I should like to ask that the name "affidavit" should be corrected. We are here concerned, according to what the Prosecution has said so far, with extracts from a police interrogation and we are not concerned with an affidavit I therefore ask that the Defense be given the possibility to examine the documents in order to enable them to test the authenticity and correctness of the statements set forth therein.

MR. McHANEY: I am not sure that I understood all the remarks made by the Defense Counsel. We shall, of course, be quite glad to afford him the opportunity to inspect the statements in the original. As to whether they should be called affidavits or reports, I do not see that is a matter great materiality. They are not called anything in the document book itself They are listed as affidavits in the index, but, of course, that is not a part of the record of these proceedings.

But we shall be glad to let him see the original reports.

THE PRESIDENT: As far as Exhibits 137 and 138 are concerned, they are simply what purports to be copies of signed statements made by certain persons whose names are signed to them. The last exhibit contains some sort of a copy of the certification that was taken before some officer. I would suggest that the matter be held in abeyance and the defendant's counsel be permitted to examine the records you have.

At the same time see what you can do toward supplementing these records unless the present records before the Tribunal are satisfactory to the defendant's counsel.

MR. McHANEY: Well, do you suggest then that we do not now offer these as exhibits?

THE PRESIDENT: I suggest the statements be offered at this time; that their admission in evidence be not ruled upon until defendant's counsel has had a chance to examine the documents which are now presented by the prosecution.

MR. McHANEY: For purposes of the record, would it be permissible for Mr. Hardy to offer these and read them into the record at this time and then have the formal ruling, perhaps tomorrow? Of course we won't be able to secure all affidavits from the Vienna police that soon.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, is it your purpose in making that suggestion simply to have a consecutive record?

MR. McHANEY: Yes.

THE PRESIDENT: I think we might be allowed to read them in the record, subject to objection and later ruling of the court, whether they should remain in the record or whether they should be stricken from the record.

MR. HARDY: We will all turn to page 25 of Your Honor's document book. This is NO-910, which is offered as Prosecution Exhibit No.138, provisional This is entitled "Ignaz Bauer, Wahringerstrasse, 162, born on 2 June 1908, interned in the Dachau Concentration Camp from June 1944 to June 1945, Prison #73059, Vienna, 16 March 1946."

Entitled "REPORT, Experiments of the Luftwaffe performed under the direction of the academic lecturer Dr. BEIGLBOCK in the Dachau Prisoners' Hospital Barracks in Summer 1944."

In summer 1944, shortly after my transfer to Dachau from a French prison I worked in the infirmary of the Light Station where I did physical therapy and made electrocardiograms.

I think that about the end of July a sick-room for experimental purposes was made available to the Luftwaffe.

Several series of experiments were carried out forcibly, each one on about 15 gypsies. There experiments were carried out in such a way that for 4 to 6 days those people did not get anything to drink or to eat except some saltwater (seawater).

From the second experimental series on, I had, apart from some electrocardiogram, to test the electric excitability of muscles and nerves the patients and, therefore, had the opportunity to watch part of what was happening and to draw my own conclusions.

The purpose of these experiments was:

1. To find out how long it takes until a healthy human specimen without water and food, who at most is given some seawater, will fall in agony.

2. to study thoroughly the symptoms of dying of hunger and of thirst.

3. to test the effects of a serum, the composition for which is unknown to me, on the experimental subjects who were already dying.

In the course of those hunger and thirst experiments, the patients were subjected to numerous tests, among others daily bloodletting and liver punctures were made. This was repeated frequently.

Symptoms of death by hunger and thirst which were also perceptible to the layman were:

Visible deterioration of the patients, nervousness, agitation which, some cases, mounted to the point of madness. (The raving people were tied to their beds.) Some of the patients showed signed of apathy and unconsciousness, In many instances, weakness of the heart could be observed.

Subjectively the patients suffered from gnawing hunger and, above all from terrible thirst, which, through the drinking of waltwater, became even more painful. The thirst was so terrible that some patients did not hesitate to drink dirty water used for washing the floor. I saw one of these poor *** falling on his knees, begging in vain for water. Doctor Beigelbock was pity, One youth, who succeeded in getting some water to drink, was bound to his b* for punishment (whether by Beigelbock or another, I unfortunately do not now know; in any case, Beigelbock, as chief of this division, was responsible)."To all these bodily torments was aided the constant fear of death.

For they know that in other experiments at the real research station, the sadistic pseudoscientific curiosity of the SS had demanded constant sacrifice of lives. For this reason they all feared the same fate.

When the patients lay, one by one, at the point of death, the aforementioned serum was injected, whereupon they recovered. But whether they be came completely well again after all those bodily sufferings and mental tortures, I do not know, for I did not get to see these people any more. It is true that it is not known to me whether, in the course of events, lasting injuries or deaths occurred, but I consider this quite possible. To these enfeebled people, each "transport", each hard labor meant sure death, even though they received supplementary nourishment two or three days before and after the experiments. Everyone, including Mr. Beigelbock, was aware of the fact that the nourishment in the camp was absolutely insufficient, that the t** and tempo of the work were murder us, and that the hygenic conditions and the conditions in the dormitories were beyond description.

Were these experiments so important and so valuable for mankind in general that one was permitted to place human life at stake? Aside from the fact that one is not permitted to make harmful experiments on human beings against their will, as was done here, these experiments served only the war aims of the German Luftwaffe.

Besides this, these experiments could have been carried out just as w** if animals had been used for the purpose. The findings would perhaps have b** even more accurate, but to these unscrupulous representations of the master r** the "sub-humans" in the concentration camps were cheaper and more worthless than guinea pigs or dogs.

I would only like to add that one day I met Professor Eppinger in the infirmary in Dachau; he came from the direction of the aviation experiment station, where he saw to it that he was well informed by his pupil and assistant, Beigelbock, about the status of his experiments.

/s/ I. Bau**

We now turn to document NO-911, which is Prosecution Exhibit 139.

This is a statement of Joseph Tschofenig, Miesstaler Street 23, Klagenfurt, Austria.

Klagenfurt, 7 February 1946.

Questioned with regard to the occurrences at the Luftwaffe Experiment tion Station of Dachau Concentration Camp, under the direction of Stabarzt Dr. BEIGELBOCK, I make the following assertions:

I can no longer establish the exact date, but during the summer of 1944 the above-named carried out experiments in which a large number of prisoners had to drink sea water in order to determine how long they could stand this. Previously there had already been a Luftwaffe Experimentation Station at Dachau, which was headed by the Munich doctor, Dr. RASCHER. Innumerable deaths resulted from these experiments. It was one of the most feared experimentation stations in the camp. In 1944, a change in the direction of the experimentation station was going on; Dr. PLOETTNER, an SS doctor who had formerly been active in the Malaria Station, became Dr. RASCHER's successor. A number of highly placed persons visited this station among others the Reich Chief of Physicians CONTI, Reichsfuehrer SS HIMMLER, and, in 1944, the Vienna University Professor EFFINGER, whose name was kept secret but who was recognized by a Viennese medical student by the name of LEBERSDORGER who was a prisoner there. EFFINGER could not help talking with him, tried to convince him of the high purpose of National Socialism and expressed surprise that he was to be found among these criminals. EFFINGER locked the experimentation station over and an agreement was reached with Dr. PLOETNER to open a new experimentation station. After the Professor's departure orders were soon received to make room in the prisoners' infirmary for the new station and arrangements were made that these experiments could begin shortly. 60 gypsies, brought from Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp especially for this purpose, were selected for these experiments. Prof. BEIGELBOCK came with a staff of three Luftwaffe assistants, and the experiments began.

As far as I knew in various methods; starvation diets to begin with, sea water and salt diets, salt injections, and so on. The tortures led to enfeebling of the body which resulted in loss of consciousness and, as far as I know, in one death.

Even if occasionally the diet was improved, the people couldn't eat it. Some of the experimental subjects had cramps and manic attacks. BEIGELBOCK delivered these so-called troublemakes to the SS, which treated them in the manner customary in the camp. Through these measures of force he was successful, in that the experimental subjects actually drank the salt water. I was known that experimental subjects hurled themselves on the floor rags used by the hospital attendants and sucked the dirty water out of them and tried in every conceivable manner to secure potable water. As in all the experimentation stations, it was BEIGELBOCK's practice too to send those prisoners undermined by the experiments to the regular infirmary in order to conceal the number of deaths among the experimental subjects. The frequent letting of blood and the inefficiency with which this was done also led to severe damage. The experiments lasted about six weeks. During these experiments other scientists also came to Dachau occasionally. It was known to us prisoners that only these people participated in these experiments who, as proven National Socialists, had the confidence of Himmler's most immediate staff, for the additional sufferings of the patients created in connection with the experiments were so obvious as not to be reconcilable with a physician's conscience.

On account of my position as responsible prisoner at the X-ray Station of the prisoners' infirmary, I was in a position to gain insight into the experimentation station which, however, could only be superficial since this experimental station was kept separated and especially guarded within the prisoners' infirmary. Just to give one example:

A German political prisoners, a patient in the infirmary, observed from the window the occurrences at the low pressure chamber which was standing in the courtyard. He was taken out by Stabsarzt RASCHER, put into the chamber, and a few hours later his body was in the morgue.

The experiments in Dachau were carried out there because no one was held responsible for the injury or death of the available people. Every attempt by prisoners, to avoid the experiments, also resulted in death. Therefore, even in the cases which did not result in permanent injuries, it was a matter of exploiting the hopeless position of the prisoners to carry out these criminal experiments.

/s/ JOSEF TSCHOFENIG, Police Main Office, Vienna State Police, Dep.

III I, Deutschmeisterplatz Vienna, 13 March 1946 Protocal Re: Seawater Research Mr. Fritz Pillwein, born 11 May 1919 in Vienna, a citizen of Vienna, single, no religion, student, residence:

Baumgasse 31/10, Vienna, states as follows:

Concerning the seawater research at the Luftwaffe Experimental Station at Dachau, I can say the following:

The experimentation station was in Block 5; however, the patients belonging to this station were in Block 1/1. The head of this experimentation station, Dr. Beigelbock, was known to me from Vienna, 9. I remember that gypsies of different nationalities from other concentration camps were used for these experiments. Forty-five of these were used directly in the experiments. Besides Dr. Beigelbock, an Unterarzt of North German descent, three chemists, as well as one French, 2 Alsatian, and one or two Spanish prisoners as laboratory assistants, were present at these experiments. The experiments were carried out from the middle of August until the end of September, 1944. I, myself, came to the station as a nurse about 10 days after the beginning of the experiments and remained there until the end of same. At the same time I was able to bring a second prisoner with me into the experimental station as an assistant nurse. His name is Joseph Worlicek and lives at the present time in Vienna, 18, Geymullergasse 2 4. He himself will surely be able to give further details about the experiments.

I cannot remember that there were any kind of visits from prominent personalities at the station at the time of my activity as nurse.

The experiments themselves were carried out in the following way: in the first three days the experimental subjects received sea distress care, consisting of one coco cola leaf, some Dextropur, several pieces of Zweiback (about 10-12 little pieces). From the first to the last day, the participants were given, besides this, salt water 4-5 times a day, in a total amount of 1/2 to 1 liter. The 44 people were sub-divided into 5 or 6 groups. Two groups received pure sea water, 2 other groups pure sea water with an added salt preparation, the remaining group received distilled sea water without addition. From the beginning, daily samples of blood tests were taken from the participants. With individual patients, the attacks of weakness and especially the thirst produced such crass effects that they could not leave their beds after only several days; I can remember one who broke into convulsive screaming. On several occasions these patients drank dirty water out of the pails of the attendants, as well as taking it in unguarded moments from the pails placed in the halls for air raids. While the floors were being washed, several patients sucked up the water that had been poured out on the floor. I had to weigh the participants daily and established the fact that the daily loss in weight amounted to as much as one kilo. After Dr. Beigelbock determined one day that several patients had drunk other liquids, the attendant nurse (a prisoner also) was put out of the infirmary. (This was a Jugoslavian who was doing night duty at the time).

When the people were chosen for these experiments, they were also promised better care for some time. In reality, this care was only accorded patients in the first group; all the others received water and skimmed milk for two days after the end of the experiment and about the third day were placed on the normal camp diet. The first group received some sausage, bread, butter, cheese, marmalade, and 2 cigaretts for 4 or 5 days.

I remember that disagreements arose between the camp administration and the competent authorities of the Luftwaffe since the Luftwaffe did not make sufficient provisions available for the diet. The ones who bore the brunt of this were naturally the participants.

We prisoners all knew that we would be used for such experiments also, just like other animals, for by such experiments the authorities at that time showed that they considered human beings at least on the same level as animals.

I know from hearsay from other experimental stations that many sacrifices of life were complained of. In most cases, the following measures were practiced: the patients were put back into the regular infirmary, in a very weakened and damaged condition, where they died after a short time. Further information can be given on this by a former fellow prisoner, Heinrich Stohr (Sudoten-German) who, to the best of my knowledge, has already been taken to the Nurnberg court.

read, approved & /s/ (V.g.g.)

MR. HARDY: Signed by the Interrogator. At this time, we have completed the presentation of sea water experiments. On another occasion, at a later date, we will ask permission to call witness Fritz Pillwein. At present he is not available; we have been informed that he is in Munich, and that he will be here in a few days.

MR. McHANEY: Is the Tribunal prepared at this time to make a ruling with respect to the testimony of the witness Walter NEFF. It might be expedient to call him at this time.

THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal is not prepared to rule upon the question of the testimony of the witness WALTER NEFF at this time.

MR. McHANEY: If the Tribunal please, we will at this time turn to the sterilization experiments, which are charged in Sub-Paragraph 6, "I" of Count 2, paragraph 11; and at Count 3 those who are charged with special responsibility for participation in the sterilization experiments are the defendants Karl Brandt, Gebhardt, Rudolph Brandt, Mrugowsky, Poppendick, Brack, Pokorny and Oberheuser.

The documents which will be produced at this time are contained in Document Book No. 6, before the Tribunal now.

I would like to make clear at the outset of this presentation, that we are here concerned with sterilizations which were carried out pursuant to German practice on that subject. It is true, that in Germany, a Statute did exist which permitted sterilizations of certain persons under certain circumstances: particularly, those persons infected with inheritable diseases. Some such statutes exist in other countries, as I understand it, and, indeed, in several states of the United States. At the end of the proof on the sterilization experiments, there will be no doubt in the Court's mind that the sterilizations with which we are now concerned had nothing whatsoever to do with the German Practice. These sterilizations were carried out against so-called "enemies" of the German State, especially Jewish, and people of the Eastern countries. The weapon of sterilization was in fact used to permit the Crime of Genicide, which is the mass extermination of an enemy people; and that was the purpose of the sterilizations with which we are here concerned.

The first document will be No.430 -- no, pardon me --No.440, which will be Prosecution Exhibit No.141. This is an affidavit by the defendant Rudolf Brandt, and it reads as follows:

I, Rudolf Emil Hermann Brandt, duly sworn do depose and state:

1. I am the same Rudolf BRANDT who already on 30 August 1946 furnished an affidavit concerning low pressure experiments which were conducted upon affidavit concerning low pressure experiments which were conducted upon inmates of the Dachau concentration camp. I further furnished certain other affidavits concerning medical experiments upon human beings.

2. For the same reasons, set forth in paragraph 1, 2 and 3 of my affidavit of 30 August 1946, I am in a position to draw up this affidavit concerning experiments on human beings.

Sterilization Experiments 3. HIMMLER was extremely interested in the development of a cheap and rapid sterilization method which could be used against enemies of Germany, such as the Russians, Poles and Jews.

One hoped, thereby not only to defeat the enemy but to exterminate him. The capacity for work of the sterilized persons could be exploited by Germany, while the danger of propagation would be eliminated. This mass sterilization was part of Himmler's racial theory; particular time and care were devoted to these sterilization experiments.

4. Surgical sterilization was of course known in Germany and applied. This includes castration. For mass application, however, this procedure was considered as too slow and too expensive. It was further desired that a procedure be found which would result in sterilization that was not immediately noticeable. Medical sterilization experiments were therefore conducted. Dr. MADAUS had discovered that the drug "caladium seguinum" extracted from a North-American plant (Schweigrohr) when taken or injected produced sterilization. Dr. Adolf POKORNY in late 1941 drew Himmler's attention to this scientific research and suggested that it be perfected and applied again Russian prisoners of war.

5. As a result of POKORNY's suggestion, experiments were conducted upon concentration camp prisoners in order to test the effect of the drug. Simultaneously, all efforts were made to cultivate the plant in large quantities. Oswald POHL, chief of the Economic and Administrative Main Office (WVHA) took a personal interest in this matter. Hothouses were used, with a certain amount of success, to cultivate this plant, and the experiments were continued. I don't believe, however, that it was possible to produce sufficient quantities of this drug to make a large-scale application possible.

6. Dr. GLAUBERG developed further a method for the sterilization of women. This method was based upon the injection of an irritating solution into the uterus. GLAUBERG conducted widespread experiments on Jewish women and gypsies in the Auschwitz concentration camp. Several thousand women were sterilized by GLAUBERG in Auschwitz. Dr. Karl GEBHARDT apparently conducted surgical sterilization in the Ravensbrueck camp.

7. Sterilization experiments were likewise conducted with X-rays. Dr. SCHUMANN applied this procedure in Auschwitz and sterilized a number of men.

8. Dr. Karl BRANDT, Reich Physician SS Dr. GRAWITZ and Dr. GEBHARDT certainly were familiar with this sterilization matter. BLUMENREUTHER, POPPENDICK, and MRUGOWSKY probably had knowledge of it also.

/s/ RUDOLF BRANDT

This affidavit of the Defendant Rudolf Brandt gives us a short statement as to the broad scope of the program and we now proceed to the German document which give us more detailed information concerning it. Next will be Document Number NO-035 which will be Prosecution Exhibit 142. This is a letter sent by the Defendant POKORNY in October 1941 to Heinrich Himmler. It is addressed to the Reich Commissioner for the Consolidation of German Folkdom, SS Himmler, Chief of Police, Berlin:

I beg you to turn your attention to the following arguments. I have requested Professor Hoehn to forward this letter to you. I have chosen this direct way to you in order to avoid the slower process through channels and the possibility of an indiscretion in regard to the eventually enormous importance of the ideas presented.

Led by the idea that the enemy must not only be conquered but destroyed, I fell obliged to present to you, as the Reich Commissioner for the Consolidation of German Folkdom, the following:

Dr. Madaus published the results of his research on a medicinal sterilization (both articles are enclosed). Reading these articles, the immense importance of this drug in the present fight of our people occurred to me. If, on the basis of this research, it were possible to produce a drug which after a relatively short time, effects an imperceptible sterilization on human beings, then we would have a new powerful weapon at our disposal. The thought alone that the 3 million Bolsheviks, at present German prisoners, could be sterilized so that they could be used as laborers but be prevented from reproduction, opens the most far reaching perspectives.

Madaus found that the sap of the Schweigrohr (Caladium seguinum), when taken by mouth or given as injection to male but also to female animals, after a certain time produces permanent sterility. The illustrations accompanying the scientific article are convincing.

If my ideas meet your approval the following course should be taken:

1) Dr. Madaus must not publish any more such articles.

(The enemy listens!)

2) Multiplying the plant (easily cultivated in greenhouses!)

3) Immediate research on human beings (criminals!) in order to determine the dose and length of the treatment.

4) Quick research of the constitutional formula of the effective chemical substance in order to "5) Produce it synthetically if possible.

As German physician and Chief physician of the reserves of the German Wehrmacht, retired, I undertake to keep secret the purpose as suggested by me in this letter.

Heil Hitler!

/s/ Dr. Pokorny, Specialist for skin and venereal diseases.

The Defendant Pokorney will tell this Court a strange tale indeed with respect to this letter. I very much doubt that he will deny having written it and he, of course, cannot deny the subsequent proof that action was taken pursuant to his suggestion. He will, instead, insist that he was, in effect, doing the Russian prisoners of war and the Jews who were to be subjected to these abominable experiments, a good turn, that he had been told by SS men that these Russians and these Jews were to be exterminated and killed and that he, out of the goodness of his heart, conceived this idea of saving their lives. Instead of being annihilated they would be sterilized so that they could no longer produce children, be permitted to work in Germany and live out their lives.

That, in effect, will constitute the defense of Pokorney. I think if we put in no more evidence that surely the Defense could not get up and say that we are concerned in this case with sterilizations carried out pursuant to valid German Statute. But what happened as a result of this letter by the Defendant Pokorny? The subsequent documents give us an insight into that matter. Next will be Document Number NO-036, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 143. This is a letter from Heinrich Himmler to Oswald Pohl, dated 10 March 1942. Of course, as we have explained to the Tribunal, it is generally necessary to get in touch with Bear Pohl because he, after all was administratively in charge of the concentration camps; and so Himmler writes him this letter:

Dear Pohl:

I read Dr. Pokorny's very interesting memorandum and Dr. Madaus's publications on medicinal sterilization. I would ask you to get in touch with Dr. Madaus and to inform him, on my behalf, that he should not publish anything else on these questions of medicinal sterilization, and offer him possibilities of doing research -- in cooperation with the Reich Physician SS, on criminals, who would have to be sterilized in any case.

The intended plan of research is, however, to be submitted to me by the office engaged on the subject.

Heil Hitler!

Yours /s/ H. HIMMLER

A copy is sent to GRAWITZ and here we see the first stop taken in line with Pokorny's suggestion, first, that Madaus should be told not to publish any more articles and second, that research should begin and experiments be carried out on criminals.

We move along to Document Number NO-045, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 144. This is a letter dated 20 April 1942 from a member of Himmler's personal staff, the signature is illegible. It is to the Reich Physician SS care of SS Obersturmfuehrer Dr. SCHOPPER, Berlin:

Dear Hubert:

After a long search I finally found the particulars you desired. Since this matter is still being dealt with by another office I can merely tell you in which journals Dr. Madaus's articles appeared.

In the 'Journal for the Entire Experimental Medicine,' special print from Volume 109, 1st number, you will find an article 'Experimental Studies on Animals on the Question of Medicamental Sterilization. Another article headed 'Magic Plants in the Light of Experimental Research' appeared in the 'Umschau,' Frankfurt, vol. 25 of 21 September 1941. You will certainly get these journals in Berlin.

I like this place out here very much and have already recovered from the Herlin hardships.

Best regards, Heil Hitler!

Here next is Document Number NO-047, which will be Prosecution Exhibit 145, a letter dated 23 April 1942, again from the personal staff of Himmler, This time to the Chief of the Security Police, and the Security Service, SS-Obergruppenfuehrer HEYDRICH, Berlin:

Enclosed I am transmitting copy of a report on the studies of experiments on animals regarding the question of sterilization by medicine with the request that it be duly noted.

Here we see that Himmler's Office Personal Staff is writing these letter to various other offices within the SS, advising them of the experiments to be carried out.

The next Document, Number NO-037, will be Prosecution Exhibit 146. This is from the Defendant Brandt, Rudolf Brandt, dated 20 April 1942 to the Reich Physician SS, Berlin.

I am sending you enclosed a copy of a memorandum by Dr. Pokorny with a request to take note of it.

Dr. Madaus' publication 'Experimental Study of the Question of Medicinal Sterilization of Animals' appeared in the 'Journal for the Entire Experimental Medicine,' special reprint from Volume 109, book 1, while the article 'Magic Plants in the Light of Experimental Research' was printed in the 'Umschau' (Review) of Frankfurt, 25th year, Book 38 of 21 September 1941.

By order "B.R."

Those are the initials of Rudolf Brandt.

The next document also still speaks of the Madaus publications. This is Document Number NO-038 and will be Prosecution Exhibit 147. The date on this letter is just given as June, 1942. This also is from the defendant Rudolf Brandt to SS-Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl, Berlin.

Dear Obergruppenfuehrer:

On 10 March 1942 the Reichsfuehrer-SS sent you a memorandum written by Dr. Pokorny and the publication of Dr. Madaus on medical sterilization. In cooperation with the Reich Physician-SS experiments were to be made accordingly.

The Reichsfuehrer-SS inquired today as to how the things were standing. I would appreciate getting information soon.

Heil Hitler Your R. Brandt.

The next document is No. NO-046 a, and will be prosecution Exhibit No.148, and this gives us Pohl's report on what is being done. It is dated June 3, 1942, from Oswald Pohl to Himmler, Subject "Sterilization by means of Drugs." It says, "Re: Your letter of 3 October 1942." Your Honor, that obviously must be 1941. It should read March 10, 1942.

To the Reichfuehrer SS.

Dear Reichfuehrer: In reference to the above matter I had a conversation today with the director of the Biological Institute of Dr. MADAUS & Co., at Radebaul/Dresden, Dr. phil. et med. Dr. E. KOCH.

I advised him of your desire to have publications on this subject discontinued for the time being. Dr. KOCH will comply with your request.

Furthermore, experiments have reached a dead point because the "Schweigrohr" grows only in North America and during the war cannot be exported in adequate quantities. Dr. KOCH's attempt to grow this plant from seed cultivated in hothouses have been successful, it is true; but the process is very slow and the yield is not sufficient to permit carrying on experiments on a large scale.

Dr. KOCH is hopeful that this will be remedied if it were possible for us to obtain permission for him to build a larger hothouse. I promised him this. For the time being this is the first and only practical step to promote the project.

I shall continue reports periodically.

Heil Hitler!

/s/ Pohl

JUDGE SEBRING: Mr. McHaney, will you refer again to the dates in your letter or document you have just read?

MR. McHANDY: The date, as I take it, is March 10.

JUDGE SEBRING: 1942?

MR. McHANDY: That is right, yes, sir.

JUDGE SEBRING: Then it refers to your letter of August 3, 1942; isn't that rather an impossible situation?

MR. McHANEY: I didn't understand the last, Your Honor.

JUDGE SEBRING: You say the letter is dated March 10, 1942?

MR. McHANEY: No, Your Honor, this letter is dated June 3, 1942.

JUDGE SEBRING: You say the correct date is 10 March 1942?

MR. McHANEY: No, the date I was correcting is contained in the reference within the letter itself. It originally read "Your letter of 3 October 1942." Do you find that, sir?

JUDGE SEBRING: Then it is the back of the letter, at the time it was received, 3 June 1942; is that correct?

MR. McHANEY: That is correct, sir. This letter, of course, indicated that difficulties are being experienced, and as we shall see happily enough the difficulties continued; but it does indicate they have been able to cultivate the plant on a small scale in hothouses, and that, in fact, they have carried out experiments, although, as stated, not on a large scale. And the subsequent documents show us they extended their efforts to close this plant by getting larger hothouses and they made efforts to produce the effective ingredients scientifically.

The next document, No. NO-046 b, will be prosecution Exhibit No.149. This is a letter from the personal staff of Himmler, dated 11 June 1942. The translation notes the signature of sender illegible. It was sent to Obergruppenfuehrer Pohl. I think the letter is from Rudolf Brandt, since he was Obersturmbannfuehrer on the staff of Himmler, and the Court will also see his familiar initial "R" on this document.

Your Honors may wish to look at this document, which concerns medical sterilization.

Dear Obergruppenfuehrer:

I have informed the Reich Leader SS of your letter of 3 June 1942. He asks you to see to it without fail that a large hot-house is set up as soon as possible for Dr. KOCH. He considers the experiment extremely important.

The Reich Leader SS asks you to continue to send in further reports.

Heil Hitler

-- and the signature is illegible.

The next exhibit, No. NO-044, which will be Prosecution Exhibit No.150. This is a file memo written by defendant Rudolf Brandt, dated 22 June 1942. It is headed "Document reference."

During a consultation of the Wewelsburg on 19 June 1942 with SS-Obergruppenfuehrer POHL, I mentioned, among other things, the desire of the Reichsfuehrer to investigate still more thoroughly what the ingredients are of the American plant SCHWEIGROHR which may be considered for sterilization. The Reichsfuehrer SS wished it to be determined if similar effective ingredients are contained in the plants which are to be found here or in any area accessible to us in Europe.

The present support of the work of Dr. KOCH of the MADAUS Institute shall be continued to the fullest extent.

The Reichsfuehrer SS also requests that with the ingredients of this plant on hand sterilization experiments should now in any case be carried out in the concentration camps.

SS Obergruppenfuehrer POHL agreed to take the necessary steps at once.

/s/ Brandt

The next document will be No.050. It is Prosecution Exhibit No.151. This is a letter written by a man named Fischer, who is not the defendant Fischer in the dock. It is written to the Reich Main Security Office, that is the RSHA and is directed particularly - IV B 4, Attention of SS-Sturmbannfuehrer Guenther, dated July 4, 1942:

With reference to our telephone conversation of 1 July 1942, I am transmitting to you the enclosed photostats of Dr. MADAUS' work.

May I request you to work in closest collaboration with the agency of SS-Obergruppenfuehrer POHL in this matter.

/s/ Fischer

I would like to call the Court's attention to the characters IV B 4. That refers to the attention of the department within the RSHA which was the Reich Main Security Office, the Chief, which at that time was Heydrich, who was assassinated in 1943 in Czechslovakia. This particular department, IV B 4 was headed up the missing Adolf Eichmann. Eichmann, in this department having to do with the so-called Jewish question, which meant the extermination of the Jewish population in Europe. This man Gerland, to whom the letter was addressed, one of the so-called subordinates in the department. The reason it was addressed to him, this method of sterilization would be a solution to the Jewish question.

The next document, No.051 which is Prosecution Exhibit No.152, is dated the same date, 4 July 1942, and is also a letter from Fischer to the defendant Rudolf Brandt in the headquarters of the Fuehrer.

I am sending you the enclosed copy of my letter to SS Sturmbannfuehrer Guenther of 4 July 1942 for your attention.

The next document No.039, which will be Prosecution Exhibit No.153, and we see that approximately 9 months after the date of Pokorny's letter suggested this planning of medicinal sterilization, that another man by the name of Gerland has gotten the same idea, and is now translating it to Himmler.

This letter is from the Deputy Gauleiter of the Lower Danube, who is K. Gerland. Your Honor will find his name translated at the end of the document on Page 18 of the Document Book, as K. Gund. That is obviously a mistake, as you will see from the next document that will go in, which was a reply from Rudolf Brandt to the letter I am about to read, and which is addressed to K. Gerland.

Prosecution Exhibit No.153 reads as follows:

24 August 1942

Sir, At the order of Gauleiter Dr. JURY, his staff have hitherto busied themselves to a particular extent with problems of population and racial policy and problems of anti-social elements.

Since the prevention of reproduction by the congenitally unfit and racially inferior belongs among the duties of our National Socialist racial and demographic policy, the present Director of the District for Racial Policy, Gaunauptstellenleiter Dr. FEHRINGER, has examined the question of sterilization and found that the methods so far available, castration and sterilization, are not sufficient in themselves to meet expectations. Consequently, the obvious question occurred to him whether genital incapacity and sterility could not also be produced in both man and woman by the administration of medicine or injections. So he came to the studies of the Biological Institute of Dr. MADAUS in Radebeul-Dresden on animal experiments for medicinal sterilization which became accessible to him through the Madaus Annual Report, IVth year, 1940, and are of the highest interest for our demographic policy. MADAUS and KOCH found that caladium sequinum used in homaeopathic doses, that is, administered in infinitesimal quantities, favorably affects genital power, sterility and frigidity (sexual indifference), so that clinical and medicinal research should not proceed without regard to this fact. It was established by an extensive series of experiments on rats, rabbits and dogs that in the administration or injection of caladium extract male animals became genitally unfit and females unreceptive and it could thereby be determined what differences were manifest in the effects of the various methods of innoculation. From the animal experiments it seems that a permanent sterility is liable to result in male animals and a more temporary one in females.

It is clear that these observations could be of tremendous importance if alterations of genital power of fecundity could also be successfully brought about in human beings by the administration of Schweigrohr extract. Research on human beings themselves would, of course, be necessary for this. Accordingly, the director of my Racial-Political Office points out that the the necessary research and human experiments could be undertaken by an appropriately selected medical staff basing their work on the Madaus animal experiments in cooperation with the pharmacological institute of the Faculty of Medicine of Vienna, on the persons of the inmates of the gypsy Camp of Lackenbach in the Lower Danube.

It is quite clear that such research must be handled as a nationally important secret matter of the most dangerous character, because enemy propaganda could work tremendous harm all over the world by the knowledge of such research, should it come by such knowledge.

Since these considerations are only a theory, the fundamental accuracy of which has already been established by animal experiments and the possibility of the application of which to human beings is highly probable, a mere indication can only be given of the prospects of the possibility of the sterilization of practically unlimited numbers of people in the shortest time and in the simplest way conceivable.

In this connection, I may perhaps point out that it would surely be worth while to study the science, of the old cults and of their priestly castes bearing on the promotion and prevention of the human genital faculty and fecundity. Primitive, primeval populations which are close to nature also had and still have a very extensive knowledge of this subject without these things being known to Science. It is known, for instance, that the natives of South America attempted to bring the power of their enemies to extinction by administering Schweigrohr (caladium seguinum) to them.

I should be particularly thankful to you if you would give me your opinion in this respect when the occasion arises, or even order a concrete working plan to be submitted to you. Gauleiter Dr. JURY would personally have approached you with his plan were he not at present away on a vacation. Heil Hitler! Yours faithfully,/s/ K. Gund.

I think it is marvelous to note that two people so widely separated as Mr. Gerland and Pokorny came up with such identical ideas.

The next Document is No.040 - that will be Prosecution Exhibit 154. This is dated 29 August 1942 and is a reply by the defendant Rudolf Brandt to the letter, which I have just read. It is to the Deputy Gauleiter in Lower Danube:

Dear Sir:

On account of the absence of the Reichfuehrer SS, who at present undertakes a long official trip in the Altreich, I am acknowledging your letter of 24 August. I can inform you that the subject of your inquiry addressed to the Reichfuehrer has already been known since last March and dealt with.

SS-Obergruppenfuehrer POHL and SS-Gruppenfuehrer Dr. GRAWITZ are attending to it.

There are difficulties insofar as the plant in question grows only in North America and on account of the war is no obtainable in sufficient quantities. The growing in hot houses is a very tedious process and the yield does not seem sufficient to carry out the planned experiments on a larger scale.

I would be very thankful if you could inform me, whether the plant in question is possibly at the disposal of Dr. FEHRINGER and what he considers the possibility of obtaining it.

On the return of the Reichfuehrer SS I shall submit your reply together with your letter, a copy of which I have already forwarded to the SS-Obergruppenfuehrer POHL and SS-Gruppenfuehrer Dr. GRAWITZ. Heil Hitler! by order of /s/ Brandt.

He sends a copy to Pohl and Grawitz and a third copy for information as we see on the next page.

THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal will now stand in recess for fifteen minutes.